An Ode to Wolff (Response to “Basic Political Principles”)

by on February 29th, 2012

Wolff's

Introduction

My good now-former-anarchist-friend Scott has just published this post. And it’s led me to re-open this blog as a bit of a forum or a way for me to further my anarchist values and ideas. While Scott has left his anarchism behind I shall push forward. It is my contention that anarchism not only is theoretically possible and realistically practical but to a much higher degree than democratic socialism. It is the main aim of this response to Scott’s blog post to prove as much. If I succeed in nothing else then I hope it is this.

Scott, I am sure, will protest and argue and so on. That’s fine. After all, we’ve gone back and forth before here . Unfortunately, in a move of symbolism of a sort I’m sure and one of real importance I assume, Scott has deleted the blog in which he responded to. In any case, I’m not unfamiliar with getting into conversations with Scott.

First off, I love Scott. He’s a great guy and I know he’s a good intentions filled person with a kind heart from the discussions we’ve had. We’ve shared emotional crap that we’ve had to deal with, political dialogues as well as conversations about our poetry. So Scott and I certainly have a mutual respect for each other. That said, a mutual respect can only take you so long with me and if I don’t think you’re right I’m going to (most likely) call you out on such if I feel it’s appropriate to. Such is the case here. I don’t think Scott’s laying down of his “basic political principles” are very comprehensive and they should be recognized as such. Even so, I know that I should give a comprehensive response to some of the biggest concerns for Scott. The reasons are several and multi-layered.

First off, I respect Scott and I take his accusations and problems serious. One of his main problems in his blog-post is that he doesn’t feel as if anarchism is practical and while the state is certainly not perfect at least there are some concrete methods. I’ll try to make the case that this is not only true but actually backwards. I shall endeavor to prove to Scott that at the least he should question what it means to actually be practical and utopian. And of course it all depends on what your aims or means are and that is actually determining what is and is not practical. Your values are what determine your actions and your actions should in turn reflect these values of yours. I’ll get more into this later.

Second, these aren’t new concerns about anarchism and if they keep popping up it’s very likely that they are actual problems. Even if the problems are just real perceived onesinstead of really existing ones, it makes sense to address them to at least quell people. And it’s likely to assume that if can quell someone of Scott’s demeanor and political temperaments perhaps it can work with others as well!

Third, Scott is a good guy at heart and I think a great heart (emotionally speaking) can be better furthered by excellent views on the world both in the political and otherwise. So I’m also doing this response because I think anarchism helped Scott improve as a person. I know it did for me and it did it for many other people I know. I’ve met many great people through the anarchist movement and while that’s not me making a justification for anarchism on that basis alone and of course my own values match theris thus increasing my chances of liking them I think the point is a good one.

It points to the idea that perhaps anarchists aren’t “extreme and unreasonable” as Scott says. Under a certain value system and ideas about how people should be treated and society organized it actually seems like the people who advocates for states are those “extreme and unreasonable” people. But I don’t think it’s healthy or really gonna further any sort of meaningful dialogue to throw around insults. My main point here is to just say that I think Scott’s life would be a more fulfilling one if he focuses on systems that promote a lot of what he seeks but in a more consistent way. Scott has a lot of ends that even I have trouble disagreeing with and so we’re certainly not on completely opposite sides of the world here. Even so, I do think the fact that I’ve known good people in the anarchist movement (especially in the sense of removing the anarchist context they’re still good people) points to perhaps a possibility of a positive outcome of being in such a movement. No guarantees or anything Scott, just saying it’s possible anarchism serves a broader positive purpose then, being,

“like skeptics who challenge us to check our justifications and make valid points about ideology,democracy etc.”

And highlighting, “some faulty arguments for statism.” It is one of my main sub-arguments that anarchism in a broad sense is a critical part of critical thought in general. Of course this is a huge claim so I aim to back that up as well as time goes on.

Fourth, on a purely personal and more meager basis (but still important by itself or even overall) I want Scott to value things in similar ways that I do. Most people do and I don’t think that’s an inherent problem It can certainly become a problem if handled poorly. For instance parents can use their so-called “legitimate” authority over “their” kids to mold them into just what they want to be or wanted to be in their past life. And although this is a bit of a side-note and a perhaps unnecessary elaboration I don’t think this is productive for either parties. It makes the parent project themselves on to others and put less of an emphasis on their own further self-development. Meanwhile the child (bearing the brunt of this bad relation) is having their own abillity to create their own identity crushed by a figure who they’re supposed to trust. This is harmful on many levels…but I won’t continue, perhaps another time.

I think those are good enough reasons to give this long response (and long introduction) to my response to Scott. With all of that said, let’s get started.

Definition-Based Considerations

Plenty of the terms in this discussion will be most likely up to dispute on some level or another. That’s partly because, in one way or another, me and Scott’s ideas of how the world and reality itself are in dispute at the bottom of things. But I’ll try not to get that far deep of course and just deal with the obvious (as least to me) political implications of what Scott said and my response and so on. At any rate the most contentious terms are going to be words like “anarchism”, “social-democrat”, “democrat/ic”, “state/government”, “politics”, “practical”, “utopian”, “theft”, “property”, “legitimate”, “aggression”, “consent”, “pessimism/cynicism”, “abstract” and I’ve probably missed so many others.

To discuss these concepts without relating them to the context they’re given might give us a better bare look at the concepts themselves but it’s practically useless (practically in this case meaning both as in relation to further useful action being able to be taken and a quantifier) to further the conversation between us and Scott. Further, I’m obviously not gonna fully try to lay out my ideas of these terms and why those ideas are the best. I think that’s certainly worthwhile in some context, but not this one. Thus I hope that elucidating my opinions on the most important concepts in that batch will help at least tease out my ideas or give people a sort of indirect idea of what I think about those other concepts. My hope is such will be sufficient for Scott to discern where I stand and thus the conversation will be able to move on pleasantly enough. If not, then we can at least discern the biggest differences between us from the get-go and see what we can work on. I think due to those things and probably others I won’t take the reader’s time to list this is a useful thing to do.

First off, a brief definition of anarchism.

Anarchism is never defined in Scott’s blog-post and he never attempts to make a definition of his own viewpoint he tries defining it through the typical indirect method of listing certain things he is pro or con. He says,

“It’s a mix of John Dewey pragmatist politics, green politics,cooperativism,market socialism,scottish independence,LBGT rights, Disability rights,Environmentalism,Feminism,Anti-racism,Marxist thought and Situationism.With some insights from anarchism. I have a heavy focus on ordinary working class people and ALL other marginalized groups.

I have a strong belief in direct democracy and power to the people.socialism democrats are too moderate,too pro-capitalism. Anarchists are extreme and unreasonable. I support Occupy,UK Uncut, and the IWW.”

In terms of method of defining oneself there’s nothing per se’ that I have inherently against this sort of tactic of defining oneself. If people think listing their founding principles is what makes them stand out or differentiate them from others then cool. I think it can be useful in giving people a bigger sort of picture or context about where you’re coming from. But it also tends to just be a lot of labels and not much substance behind them unless asked further. So this context that can be painted is typically a thin one. But again, that’s not a bad thing if you’re prepared to elaborate. My hope is that Scott is.

Another way of describing yourself is not to talk about your principles but basic or general values you are. These can be words like “justice” “equality” and so on. These are obviously vague words and they can be used pretty poorly in some contexts due to this fact and personal preferences. But the advantages of it is that they can lead to deeper philosophical conversations then just saying you’re not an anarchist or anti-racist and so on. These may lead to useful social questions being discussed (and for sure, they can be and should) but they may not as likely lead to deep questions about the groundings of your values themselves. This gets a bit tricky since people can get pretty stingy when their foundational beliefs and core principles are challenged but if done right this can make the conversation all the more fulfilling. In summation both of these approaches have their own values and lack thereof and I’m not really saying whether what Scott did here as a description is useful or not. Perhaps think of this as a tangential side-note on descriptions themselves.

In describing anarchism however, it’s useful to relate to ideas of “consent”, “power”, “authority” and what it opposes which is “the state/government”. In defining anarchism I hope to, as a byproduct of doing so tease out my thoughts on such ideas themselves because of the discussion about anarchism.

First then, anarchism is etymologically rooted in Ancient Greek and translates to “without archons” meaning “without rulers”. What is a ruler? A ruler is someone who has power over another person. This power over someone is the particularly emphasized by anarchists. Anarchists don’t like it when power is exerted over other people. To them it more looks like that person is using their privilege (of whatever sort) on other people and this isn’t morally right. These typical relations in the anarchist’s view create power-disparities and reveal a sort of interesting idea of power. For anarchists the problem is not that power exists but that it is concentrated in the hands of the few at the detriment of the many. Anarchists see that power should instead be dispersed among the people and through this process it should displace those who are the rulers.

In effect this means things like government/state and other oppressive structures should be overthrown. How? Well this is where different schools of anarchists think. Insurrectionists believe in revolution. Anarcho-capitalists might think education, some bit of politics, supporting certain businesses that they feel reflect their own values and so on might do it. Agorists would believe in less political means (if any at all) and focus on things like counter-economics, education and building the new society within the shell of the old. Anarcho-syndicalists would want to use associations of workers to overthrow the state and capitalism and may or may not use politics as an ancillary tactic. And so on. How these rulers should be overthrown or gotten rid of or the chances of doing so in our lifetime and so on differ from anarchist to anarchist. Based on that alone I am obviously only speaking for myself when I lay out all of this ground work for this discussion between Scott and I.

I’m sure some may think I’m being unnecessarily long or complex in my response but I feel this is necessary because it could clear up some future possible confusions. And even if it’s not and it doesn’t accomplish that I think it at least really shows my honesty and good intentions behind this response.

To conclude on the anarchist section then, anarchists then see the state/government as basically a collection of rulers. A group of people who not only claim and use power over others but claim a monopoly on it within the geographic space they take up and claim. How this claim of monopoly and use of power and authority is justified is one of the biggest questions for political philosophers for me and any lack of seriousness in trying to resolve this question shows a lack of seriousness in the whole idea of political philosophy for me. Anarchists acknowledge this and thus take this problem head on and declare that the state and the government and other associations of rulers or individual rulers are not morally justified. Further, they’re not justified in even a utilitarian or a completely non-moral argument for the state. I’ll get into why that is in a bit.

To add one final note however, it should be remembered that fundamentally speaking, anarchists do support authority and power. They just don’t support the use of such concepts to justify those particular phenomenons playing against people and creating power disparities. Power and authority in oneself and with those who agree to it is fine but having it via undue privilege or maintaining power or authority over others through violence or backed through violence is not. It is the anarchist contention that at minimum the state more than satisfies these situations. I hope it shall become clear soon as this post goes on why that is.

A definition of the state/government

Although Scott never spells it out for us the definition of what he (now) supports is worth talking about for the broader conversation ahead of us. I myself tend to stay with the classic Weberian definition that is that a state is a community of people who have successfully managed to claim a monopoly on force (or violence) within a geographical territory. Why is this an apt definition? First off states are only a group of particularly powerful people. They are only so powerful because either people believe so of their own independent will and views (maybe due to the superior attributes of these people in comparison to them) or they’ve been forced to believe such. You don’t have to be an anarchist to probably guess which one is actually more likely to happen. If you’re intent on gaining so much power over others you’re most likely not interested in doing it through simple persuasion. W

hy is this exactly? Quite simply it’s easier just to force people to go along with things should you have the power. Now power and authority, while being interconnected ideas are not the same. These people may have power over others but having authority over them means they have some sort of right to have this power over them. This can either be a perceived power that the people think you have or that you’ve somehow convinced them you have or it’s one that you simply make a fact of reality through your own power. In the general sense, having power over things simply means having control and this is no different for the state/government. This community of people has a great amount of power over others and that point is not the point that shall be up for dispute between Scott and I.

What is up for debate among Scott and I is whether it has the authority, or right to hold such power. In other words, is it proper that states can exist in the form that they’ve always existed in? Scott can debate with my definition of the state if he wants and I can take him on there but he should keep in mind Weber was no anarchist. Max Weber was a sociologist who was just trying to explain what the state was and what politics was about so any claim about a bias in definition would be mistaken.

Contrary to that if I used accounts of the state via people like Frank Oppenheimer, Rothbard, David Graeber, Harold Barclay or other anarchist thinkers I’m sure the objection (while being a low-hanging fruit) would have much more weight to it. I could use these thinkers to further my point but I’ll leave it at what I’ve said.

One thing should be clear from all of this: To be an anarchist is recognizing that there is a conflict between what we desire (individual liberty then extending to freely association based cooperative endeavors)  and what the state actually does in practice.  One of  the fundamental things is recognizing that there is a conflict between state (or oppressive institutions in general) based authority and personal autonomy. Recognizing this inherent conflict means that the state and other similarly inherently oppressive institutions must be abolished. How that should be done and through what means and how those “other oppressive institutions” are defined really defines what sort of anarchist you are. There are, after all, many things after you accept the fundamentals of anarchist thought.

What is  ”Politics”?

It’s certainly worth talking about since what we’re talking about is pretty much rooted in some of the most questions of political philosophy. I don’t accept the position that politics is just “the philosophy of the state” or anything like that. Politics is simply a conceptual device that help enable and organize the polis that is a community of people.  Obviously in general when politics is discussed government is also being discussed but that assumes communities can’t exist or flourish without the state and that’s the exact proposition that anarchists are against. So in some sense anarchists could be called anti-politics but only the narrow way of talking about which many people tend to do. Nevertheless anarchists are only against certain kind of politics such as the kinds that are oppressive or tend to in general limit personal autonomy. Because we recognize government does that we oppose it.

“Practica”/”Utopian”

Scott seems to love bringing up that tired old point (it’s tired and old for us anarchists!) that anarchism isn’t “practical” and is “utopian”,

 

“… or if one day anarchism may be chosen-though this looks unlikely.”

 

“ It’s a nice dream ,a democratic one at that but unnecessary and too extreme-there’s a lot of unreasonableness in it.”

 

I reject this idea at once and say that even if it was true it wouldn’t matter. Even if anarchism would never happen that’s not even the important point. The important point is recognizing the fundamental conflict of society vs. the state and realizing that we must keep pushing with society and against the state and whatever else you find state-like. Again, how to do it and what forces you exactly oppose and how you see the outcome playing out heavily determines what sort of anarchist you are. I’ll talk about my own means and hopeful ends as we go along but for now it’s worth mentioning that even if anarchism is impossible that the point is inconsequential to the anarchist. We don’t care if anarchism is impossible or if it isn’t, what we care about is limiting oppression as much as we can. Now and forevermore.

This doesn’t mean that we think abolish the state, etc. in our lifetimes but it does require a sort of dedication to basic principles and your own personal abstractions, elaborations and so on from there. But that being said I do think anarchism is likely to work. I think people can successfully self-organize themselves in voluntary manners and do so all of the time.  If we take a look at societies all over the world people are doing this all of the time. And though they may be largely operating within state or other oppression based contexts they can still manage to self-manage themselves and cooperate with others in voluntary means.  The fact that people all over the world can and do do this sort of thing even in such a bad system is not a success of the state and organizations like it but a failure of it. It shows the systempunkt of the state and other organizations like it. It shows that the human spirit is practically indomitable and won’t be broken by the environment or context they grow in.

The fact that this has no changed nearly as much as the anarchist would like it to however shows a darker side to this optimistic point of view. It also shows that people can take so much shit and deal with it if it means getting by and not having to do some hard work. But liberty demands hard work. As does an equality of authority. As does a culture of solidarity that brings people together and encourages mutual aid, voluntary cooperation and more. All of this takes a lot of hard work and people can and will do it…if they’re given the right reasons, incentives and directions. This doesn’t mean anarchists needs to be some elite-minded beings who shout orders from the top of ivory towers at those crawling on their  knees looking for some bread crumbs. No, it means talking with all who would hear us, lending our hand when possible and making sure the new society built within the shell of the old happens and happens the right way. This takes good theory and good practice of course and both should be stressed about as much as the other in most cases. But none of that requires a lack of practical or utopianism.

I find that when people say that ideas like anarchism are “impractical” or “utopian” they really just means it’s such in regards to their own desires. For instance even the minarchists wishes to have some security or services provided by the state and thus desires (whether they realize it or not is inconsequential) some organization has power over others. Obviously these base desires are at their core fundamentally opposed to the basic desires of anarchists and so to the minarchist this just proves the “unworkability” of anarchism. In reality, all it proves is that the minarchist does not appreciate personal freedom as much as they’d like to think. This isn’t to insult the minarchist (though I’m fairly sure some may take it as such) but just to point out what I honestly think of the same situation.

Similarly Scott doesn’t think (in summary from my own perspective) that the state is a much more reliable and secure way of defending the most disadvantaged from the evils of capital and modern-industry. In my view this completely contradicts the history of capitalist as a state-based system. You can see the evidence from such diverse people as Roy A Childs,  Joseph Stromberg, Sheldon Richman, Roderick Long and Kevin Carson . The state has done nothing throughout its history if not promote the exact disadvantages that Scott wishes to fight against through the state. Now if this is accepted as the case then I ask Scott, who is being utopian here? The one who seeks and recognizes a constant struggle for personal autonomy or the person who thinks they can get protection from the minorities that have always been some of the biggest targets of states to begin with.

Don’t believe me? Look at what government did to mutual-aid medicine, what it does to the poor, what it does to basically create poverty as we know it, what it does to women, how it  reinforces patriarchy  and so on and so forth. I don’t think it can legitimately be argued that government has been historically a great defender of the poor. There’s simply no good reason to think as much. And though I realize this was a short post by Scott I wish he had given me good reasons to believe otherwise so I could at least get more of a perspective on why he thinks as much. Instead I’m just left scratching head and wonder, how am I the impractical person here?

One last thing on utoopianism and practicality and trying to switch this around so Scott actually realizes that it is his position that is impractical. How is it practical to rely on a model that has been around for hundreds of years as opposed to a system of self-organization among near-equals in tribes and communities that lasted for thousands of years? This form of organization according to people like Barclay and Graeber may not have been no anarchist fantasy land but they might as well have been in comparison to what we have now!

 

“Theft/Property”

 

In this section I want to actually directly respond to a few sections of this post that Scott made. First I want to start with his ideas on why taxation is not theft. I quote him at length:

 

The majority consider taxation to be justified, an acceptable price to pay for gov intervention.They do not view it as theft.Theft is socially defined.Theft is only theft if it’s considered unjustified or unjustifiable.The “taxation is theft” argument misses the point that the majority do not see taxation as theft.And yes you can argue against that that they are wrong.But as long as the majority do not consider it as theft then the point is moot.They do not see taxation as on the same level as a robbery of a bank or a mugging of your wallet despite analogies which make that comparison. They see taxation as taking wealth to pay for what they perceive as the benefits of government. You could say well I don’t accept that. To the majority this is considered to be trying to free ride on government benefits while not paying for them.And yes it’s near impossible to escape from government intervention but the argument tends to run that government intervention is a fact of society which you have no choice but to accept when you enter into a society and your other option is leaving society for isolation or I guess(in theory) you could try to form a mini anarchist society. I certainly have no issue with that.
Theft is only considered theft if the taking is considered unjustified taking of someones stuff against there will but if the person whose being taken from consents and thinks it’s justified then it is.

 

I must, of course, break this up into sections but I’ll try to do my best to just analyze the most important parts of it.

 

“The majority consider taxation to be justified, an acceptable price to pay for gov intervention.They do not view it as theft.”

How does Scott know this? Based on some of the Ramussen reports in the US I’ve seen (here, here and here) it doesn’t look that promising. Furthermore, what does he base this on? I know he lives in England so the Ramussen reports in the US don’t have much bearing perhaps where he lives but what about the riots in England? I’m pretty sure that shows “a little” discontentment with the establishment at large in some way does it not? And again, what does it matter even if Scott is right? Scott repeats the fallacy that many people who support the state does:

1) Assume that most people accept the state as you do

2) Because social norms are based on general acceptance what is accepted is de facto rights

3) Because most people accept the state and because premise 2 is correct we can conclude that

4) The state is legitimate

 

Looking at the process like this I can tell you that I think this’d fail any logic test in any given college class. First off, what makes you assume most people support the state? The over 50% who hardly vote in elections? The many people who don’t pay their taxes? The countless number of people who complain about government? I don’t understand where Scott is coming from there. Maybe it’s because he lives in England and maybe the situation is different there but I doubt it. Why? Because as I’ve already discussed populations typically don’t have much of a say with what the state does.

 

But enough of this, let’s move on.

 

“Theft is socially defined.Theft is only theft if it’s considered unjustified or unjustifiable. The “taxation is theft” argument misses the point that the majority do not see taxation as theft.”

In point of fact it is Scott and other people like him who make (I’m sorry to say) prime facie ridiculous arguments like this that miss the point. The law of gravity doesn’t become null just because a bunch of people come together (or a couple hundred, or a couple thousand or…) and decide it is. You have to actually prove why it’s unjustified or whatever. You can’t just saying a group of people (who agree with you) “Yeah! Fuck the law of gravity! Let’s fly!”. I think these people will be very disappointed.

Likewise I’m disappointed that Scott has chosen to resort to such a tired argument. I wish he could at least have tried to given some interesting arguments in favor of the state or taxation but he doesn’t.  Instead he defers responsibility to the faceless masses (rendered faceless through the state of course) and tries to make it seem like ‘taxation is theft’ somehow misses the “point”. Maybe that’d be the case…if the point was actually substantial.

“And yes you can argue against that that they are wrong.But as long as the majority do not consider it as theft then the point is moot.”

 

Why? How is a point “moot” if a bunch of people disagree? Again, the law of gravity is just as valid even if a bunch of people disagree. Those people can disagree all they want and try jumping off cliffs (and to be extra sure of themselves they’d probably do best to not pack parachutes…just in case)  then all they’ll have for this “moot” point is a broken body. Meanwhile I’ll be laughing over the supposed “mootness” of it all.

“They do not see taxation as on the same level as a robbery of a bank or a mugging of your wallet despite analogies which make that comparison. They see taxation as taking wealth to pay for what they perceive as the benefits of government.

Do all people consider all of the functions of government a benefit? Do you consider the wars that “your” government is involved to be a benefit? How about the border policies? The pension programs? The way the police tend to handle the poor? The cultural norms that government reinforces? You can’t expect me to agree that you agree with all of this let alone a partial grouping of the populace at large does let alone a majority.

“You could say well I don’t accept that. To the majority this is considered to be trying to free ride on government benefits while not paying for them.”

I couldn’t care less.

 

“And yes it’s near impossible to escape from government intervention but the argument tends to run that government intervention is a fact of society which you have no choice but to accept when you enter into a society and your other option is leaving society for isolation or I guess(in theory) you could try to form a mini anarchist society. I certainly have no issue with that.”

 

Well you may have no issue with that but what does that matter? Do you think government is going to just allow a separate community to try to be self-independent and want to extent this independence to other spheres? Do you think they’re not just gonna pull another Waco or Ruby Ridge and blame it on some “extremism” or another? You know better than this Scott, I know you do so act like it. Don’t be naive about this situation.

 

“Theft is only considered theft if the taking is considered unjustified taking of someones stuff against there will but if the person whose being taken from consents and thinks it’s justified then it is.”

 

The problem with this idea is that concepts don’t just legitimately become another concept just because you want it to. You can try to rationalize the highway robber all you want but what he is is still what he is whether you try to picture him as a unicorn or not.

 

Moving on to Scott’s ideas on property:

“Left wing critiques of property are valid I believe.Occupancy and Use should be the goal to aim for.
The majority considers absentee ownership wrong and I’d consider this faulty reasoning because the problems it results in.”

 

“Statism then runs into a problem.State claims to own roads etc are absentee ownership.”

Oh, how I wish Scott would’ve just taken this problem to it’s logical conclusion and then embraced a mutualism of sorts and we’d be golden! Unfortunately that’s not to be…

 

“The reply is that statism could be considered the only exception to that rule of thumb where state ownership in that way may be justified.”

 

Wait, why would the state be considered an exception? I guess this is why according to Scott:

 

“But the more reasonable reply is this:- the state is more a caretaker of roads etc than owner.It carries out the peoples will with our money.It’d be expensive and time consuming for us to do it ourselves.”

So less-costly roads means moral problems mean little to nothing I suppose. I also take an intellectual offense to the notion that somehow the state carries out my will with my money. How does it do this? Are the wars my will? Were the bailouts the American people’s will? It doesn’t seem like this idea actually works out in practice and that’s of course because it can’t due to how states have historically existed and what they fundamentally are. I’ve discussed both topics in depth and I’ve done this section in enough depth to satisfy myself so it’s time to move on.

 

“Pessimism/Cynicism”

 

Scott seems to think that anarchists are too “pessimist” or “cynical” as exemplified by these quotes:

 

“”Anarchism is too pessimistic and cynical about change.It’s unreasonable.”"

“Anarchism is quite an overemotional position.It’s extreme pessimism,extreme cynicism,frustration with misuse of power and with the status quo which goes to far.

Cynicism and pessimism is to some extent justified but anarchism goes too far.”

 

First of all, being cynical or pessimistic of certain things may or may not actually be the case because Scott’s viewpoint on government and other things is obviously different. What’s “cynical” to Scott may just be a different understanding of government based on the history as anarchist’s see it. And having expectations on such a basis is probably not “cynical” or “pessimistic” it’s probably more along the lines of realism I’d say. I’d also say if you have a “friend” who jips you quite a bit but tends to give back some money sometimes and you start saying to other people that they shouldn’t trust them and they don’t believe you I think it’s them that have their priorities out of line with each other. If you’re not paying attention to what the government is, has been and does then that’s one thing but don’t call people who do names just because you don’t agree. That’s not only a pretty petty argument against just about any idea but an also intellectually lazy argument as well.

The truth is that anarchists are skeptics of power in general and always tend to be. Scott admits as much when he says,

 

“Anarchists are useful however.They function like skeptics who challenge us to check our justifications and make valid points about ideology,democracy etc”

Except we aren’t like skeptics, we are skeptics! We’re probably some of the most skeptical people of power and authority and what’s wrong with that? When you look at the world and notice that so much harm has been done by power and authority that was mis-managed or left up to a small group of people except many different decentralized communities associating voluntarily why wouldn’t you be skeptical?

In general are anarchists pessimistic or cynical? I have no idea. I haven’t done my daily anarchist polls as of now so I’ll get back to you when I do. ;) In all seriousness though I don’t really understand anarchists who are pessimistic or misanthropic. I tend to be pretty optimistic about the future despite the daily grind of life and so on. I just feel like if I don’t have hope that change will happen then it simply won’t. The attitude isn’t all there is for sure, but it’s definitely a big part of what makes any sort of change happen. And I just don’t see how being pessimistic or cynical in general aids the movement in any substantial way. I feel the same way about grudges, hate and self-loathing and so on. I just don’t get anarchists who say their viewpoints stems from their cyncicism. Well…why do you think anarchism can work? Why is it exempt?

But I digress. Scott wasn’t even talking about that sort of pessimism/cynicism  and so that was just my own side-musings. Let’s move on.

 

As For The Rest…

 

Well it seems in my journey to define my terms I’ve actually taken you on quite a few times already Scott.  But now I want to take around the other main points that I find should be addressed. I’ll try to do this in sequential order if possible.

 

Agreements (Sequentially ordered)

 

I’d first like to start where I don’t have much of a problem with Scott just so that’s taken care of:

 

“I reject the idea trade is inherently evil thus ruling out communism.”

“Profit as the sole motive of life/society is a corrupting influence…”

“I don’t believe we must use money just it seems the most useful way of doing things at this time.”

“I seek not a ‘better capitalism’.”

More or less the whole section “What can be done?”

 

All of the things above I more or less agree with. None of it suits me perfectly of course but I won’t quibble with Scott either. I’ve got bigger argument-like-fish to fry…er…yeah.

 

Disagreements (Sequentially Ordered)

 

(From Basic Political Principles)

“Profit as the sole motive of life/society is a corrupting influence and that’s what I view Capitalism as about.”

 

I actually agree and disagree with this statement! Let me explain.

 

So I’d agree with this statement if it were true. If it were true that profit in society/life is the sole motive behind it all then yeah, I’d be pretty disgusted. That said, it’s clearly not the case that this is it. Oh sure, profit plays a much bigger role in society than genuine goodness or good business practices and so on. If Scott had said that “profit as one of the major aspects of economic life is a corrupting factor and…” I probably wouldn’t debate this too much. But calling it a sole motivator seems too strong to me.

“If the majority believes X is a right then it’s irrelevant what the government thinks.”

Scott commits this problem early on and later on. But it’s just not a good argument no matter where it is. Let me make this abundantly clear:

 

Facts of life are not dependent on majority opinion. The majority can be wrong. They can lie. They can steal. They are human. They can make mistakes. Their words should not be treated as law. 

 

I can’t stress those things damn well enough. Scott says later on that anarchists are “against majoritarianism” and he’s damn right I am! Especially when it leads to such terribly constructed arguments that he’s making it here. Premises that make people think so illogically and make them lead to terrible conclusions are things I’m gonna oppose. Majoritarianism fails for a few reasons:

 

1) It assumes that the majority have some sort of super justifying power

2) It assumes that somehow more people inherently=better reasoning (of any sort)

3) It assumes that moral reasoning is somehow out of the window or more or less correct based on more people’s reasoning

 

And it probably assumes a bunch of other specious things too. The point is, majoritarianism sucks. What do I support? I support direct democracy for sure. I support consensus based decision making within decentralized communities that are based on principles of free association, mutual benefit and voluntary cooperation. So I’m “anti-majoritarian” sure, but it’s not like I don’t have good reasons to be or don’t have alternatives. Not that Scott is saying anarchists don’t but I just want to make that clear either way.

 

“The Black Panthers were justified in using guns in there time but nowadays I’d rather we didn’t have them and that only police response firearm teams had them.”

 

This really bugs me. This is probably one of the biggest disappointments of the whole post for me. It literally made me shake my head in disgust at an opinion like this. It doesn’t make me dislike Scott or anything but…well let’s just look at this for what it is: disarming the proles to give the guns to the elites. Why would a social-democrat want to do that? Furthermore why would you trust the police to monopolize the guns? Are monopolies trustable now? I was fairly certain it was basic economics that monopolies are pretty unreliable organizations precisely because they are monopolies.  I hate to say it dude and call Godwin’s law out if you want but the Nazis, the state-communist regimes and other authoritarian structures (like the state in general) disarm the proles for a reason, so they can’t fight back. I’m not saying I want people to kill police but goddamn man how can you trust the cops? I trust the Black Panthers over the cops any day. I know what their intentions were and I know who they were and why they planned on doing and I know they weren’t a monopoly and certainly weren’t trying to be.

The problem is: The police don’t have to try to be a monopoly. That’s what they are de facto. As my friend Brad Spangler has said:

 

Police are a monopoly. Monopolies promote abuse. To abolish a monopoly is to open up the market to competition.  

 

(From Capitalism and Scoialism)

 

“Anarchy has problems of how to eradicate Capitalism and put Socialism in place.”

One of my main problems is illustrated here (and a bunch of other places). Scott just. asserts. and. never. explains. I’ve had this problem with Scott before unfortunately. He’ll tell me his position but never even attempt to give me good reasons to believe what he’s saying is the case or to favor it or whatever. He does a lot of that in this post unfortunately. Don’t believe me?

 

“Anarchism is wrong.Things have improved.”

 

“An institution itself can be justified but not certain actions it does.”

 

“Anarchism is too pessimistic and cynical about change.It’s unreasonable.
It dismisses majority opinion.”

 

“Government limits everything.”

 

“You should only claim as much as you need or can use.”

Look Scott, I know this is a basics post but come on. You gotta give people something more to work with. A lot of these statements (and perhaps I even missed one or two)  are just so question-begging and thus weak. There’s no reason to engage with them. I just would keep repeating the same thing: Why?

 

(From Is government Unnecessary) 

 

“We can’t really answer this.”

Clearly someone can…maybe it’s just not you Scott. :P

 

“We don’t have clear examples of anarchism to point to and so it’s unfair to use those to try to answer yes.”

 

This is a very debatable subject. There’s even an idea from anthropologists (largely anarchists but some not) that most of human society has been lived in an anarchic way. As I mentioned earlier these weren’t by any means necessary very likable on some levels but compared to now? It’d be a godsend in some ways at least.

 

But let’s take the offensive here:

 

Wikipedia has a list of anarchist communities (both past and present)

Celtic Anarchism, Private Property Rights in Celtic Irish Law, Celtic Ireland

Icelandic Commonwealth

 

Keeping in mind my comments about how society has basically always existed before states as well as me not really listing even the tip of the iceburg of possible links or speculations on what is or is not anarchism. My point isn’t to even sell you on the point that anarchism has existed (though I think it’s pretty self-evident that in some limited fashion or another it quite obviously has) but just that this is a debatable point that you shouldn’t just assume you’re right about so quickly.

 

(From How is Government Legitimate?)

 

Most of this is just re-hashing of more majoritarian nonsense (sorry to be harsh to you Scott but it’s true…) but this sticks out:

 

“By joining society and knowing it’s procedures,you consent to democracy??”

 

No. Quite simply no. First off, people can lie to you about the procedures. They can, for example tell people coming from outside that their the “land of the free” and gold is plentiful and government is great and blah blah blah but if it’s horseshit how much informed consent was actually going on there? How much legitimacy does a lying and failing government have over someone? Governments don’t in general of course but even you have to admit that this idea of yours (even if you’re just asking) is pretty weak and can be shown that fairly easy and quickly. So you might want to rethink that idea.

 

(From Government Aggression)

“Somethings are considered too risky or dangerous or bad to allow.It’s a debate what these things are.Government’s force is considered legitimate to prevent harm in some sense.”

 

This is actually another example of Scott’s, “because I say so” argumentation. I can’t stress enough that I do know this is just a laying out of some basic principles and what they translate into but some sort of justification should be given towards why these translations are sound. I can’t think of any good reason to not at lest give some basic justifications to these claims. Scott even did as much for the ‘taxation is theft’ argument and why he didn’t buy it…granted it wasn’t good reasoning in my opinion but at least he tried!

Here however, there’s no attempt to really even try to justify why government’s violence is needed. I certainly have never really needed it’s violence in my life and I think I’d be a lot better off without it. How does Scott get the right to impose a system on me that I don’t want? How does the majority get that right? I don’t have the right to impose my will on others so how does that obvious principle get changed when there are just more people who believe it’s right to impose their system on others? That’s probably one of the biggest problems for people who support the state in my opinion. How do you get the right to do something that other people wouldn’t have the right to do otherwise?

 

The argument might go like this: Well if we don’t force our preferences on others people’s security won’t be stable or it’ll be chaos!” and so on and so forth. This of course assumes people don’t value security once government is gone but history tells us otherwise. If you go back before there was any government people valued security as they do today. They may of had different means to achieve it and tools to get there but the desire was still there with or without government. Giving an organization a monopoly over deciding who is and who isn’t legitimate security doesn’t promote security because monopolies don’t promote cooperation or competition in any real substantial sense to begin with. All it does is create an upper class of  ”security providers” who can charge exorbitant rates for their service due to the monopoly of force (government) backing them.

There’s simply no good reason to believe that governments should exist.

 

(From Consent and Government Authority)

 

“Pretty simples.”

 

This pretty much sums up a good portion of Scott’s ideas of the world. He thinks matters of property, consent and government is just “common sense”. You’ll notice that I’ve not claimed that any of the conclusions I’ve reached are easy to get to or are going to be seen as common sense  by most people. It may be common sense to me but that’s certainly not the same thing as it just being common sense in general. I don’t think these things are “simple” and I don’t think they should be treated as such. Anarchists aren’t immune to treating things in a simple manner, no one is. Once you get used to analyzing things in a certain pattern and you see a similar concept or phenomenon that you think you’ve seen before it’s easy to say, “oh that’s simple it’s X! So you just do J, X and B!”. It’s easy for anarchists to look at problems and say, “oh that’s an easy one! Just abolish the state!” but matters aren’t so simple and you can’t just think the answers are always going to fit into your pattern.

But enough of that, it’s worth noting that what Scott thinks is “pretty simple” here is:

 

“You consent to Gov’s authority when you see it’s reasoning as justified e.g. stopping rape.So when you don’t see it’s authority as justified you rebel.”

And adds,

 

“ So saying it’s authority is never justified seems extreme and goes too far.”

 

Scott’s answers here are (not surprisingly) simplistic and here’s why. He thinks if you find the government’s reasoning justified then that equals consent but  precisely because he thinks it’s as simple as that he mistakes finding justification in something to necessarily equal consent. Saying, “Oh yeah, what you did was right!” isn’t the same thing as saying, “Oh yeah I totally consent to what just happened!”. Even if you think what someone does is actually reasonable to do that doesn’t mean you want it to be that way. For instance, just because I think it might be reasonable to have things like defense and security and because no other good alternative exists right now and because the US government has caused so much destruction abroad I don’t think it’d be necessarily good to get rid of the military altogether at this moment. I may think then, that a sort of national defense (only staying within the borders of the country even if I don’t believe in either concept) is vastly preferable to the current scheme of things. But that doesn’t mean that’s the way I want it much less that I am consenting to it being done.

(From on Anarchism)

I’m gonna address one other quote from his post after these next two but then I’ll go into two big sections of special responses I want to do. Let’s get started with this however:

 

“Anarchism is quite an overemotional position”

“I was swayed back to anarchism more by emotions…”

 

It seems to me that Scott likes to discard anarchism on a basis of mere say-so. I’d argue that the position of anarchism is pretty logical and anarchism (from my experience) tends to attract pretty logical people. This isn’t to say they’re perfect (or perfectly logical or whatever and they aren’t) but I don’t think this criticism of being “overly-emotional” has any real weight to it.

There’s actually way that this “criticism” can be seen as just a truism because perhaps being labeled “overly-emotional” is just a matter of time when you think so much of society is rooted in things that you do not want to have in a society. If caring for my fellow man and not wanting them to live in societies and worlds based on idiotic and very harmful notions of what the “good life” is and this is called being “overly-emotional” then I suppose I must confess to having all of the emotions in the world that Scott is capable of feeling! The only difference between Scott and I is that I not only feel those feelings for me fellow man but I use them to express my moral anguish for a world gone so wrong.

On another note however it just seems that Scott is the one being overly-emotional here. The second quote reveals to us that Scott actually came back to anarchism for largely emotional reasons and not actually logical ones. So perhaps he’s basing his attack on anarchism in general based on his own specific mistakes. But of course his own mistakes doesn’t necessarily mean that anarchism at large actually shares these flaws at all in the least. It just means Scott didn’t choose good reasons to go back to anarchism. How is this the fault of a political philosophy if you choose it for poor reasons? There are very good reasons to accept anarchism and it certainly looks like Scott didn’t choose them…but how is that the fault of anarchism? Furthermore, how does this necessarily mean that other people must do the same thing when they embrace the idea of anarchism? None of this makes much sense on just about any level.

 

(On Countervailing Power) 

 

“”All authority needs something to prevent it’s overreach ,limit it and direct it.”

 

This is actually a fine statement…but only by itself and not where Scott actually takes it:

 

“Government limits everything.
Big business has it’s anti-corporate challengers.
Bosses have unions.”

 

The first thing is pretty preposterous (and no example are given for how government does it either theoretically, ideally or in practice or in history, etc. etc.) because it just question-begs. This is especially so for the anarchist who is left scratching their head. Sure…all of this theoretically exists but what evidence do you have that any of this matters? Government seems to enable big business and it’s specifically because the state exists that corporations can exist. After all, corporations are just businesses that have a state-permit that give them incorporation privileges and they get those privileges from the state. Big business may have it’s anti-corporate challengers but what does government do to them? They actually use the regulation to put them down and those regulations are favored and lobbied for by the corporations. After all, those corporations can just get over these barriers to entry while the small businesses now struggle to keep up. The ruling class wins.

Speaking of ruling class victories the arguments against big business goes as much against the big labor unions who use government privilege to make sure that the bosses within it get good paychecks while the less skilled workers have to deal with crappy results. You can see the evidence in this in Kevin Carson’s work both on labor struggle and monopoly capital I believe if you’e looking for evidence of that. I’ve already provided work to cite for the past assertions about how government does not limit anything (except maybe the ruled class’s abilities to make a living or live a good life).

 

Prisons

 

This is something that I think deserves more attention in the anarchist movement: the abolition of prisons. Scott says:

“”It seems to me that anarchism should not/need not rule out prisons altogether.That seems crazy.”

 

I don’t think it’s crazy at all and I shall argue at length that it’s actually “crazy” to think we shouldn’t get rid of prisons. There are several essays written by anarchists that are worth mentioning: Kropotkin’s, Goldman’s and de Cleyre’s . I’ve also watched this documentary and it explains in many different ways and through different people and viewpoints how prisons (and punishment more broadly) has failed society.

 

One of the main points that can be taken from all of these works is simple: Prisons don’t rehabilitate. They utterly fail at one of the main objectives is supposedly for erecting a prison to begin with. Prisons are supposed to be about making hardened criminals or bad people better or teaching them to be more virtuous so they can return to society changed. But how monstrous of a lie this is! When one looks at the brutal conditions that prisons are with their filth, grit, degradation of the human spirit and basic condition, an institution rife authoritarian individuals as well as hard drugs, rape, violence and more how can one expect virtue of all things to come out of such a place? Voltairine de Cleyre summed up this argument well in her essay “Crime and Punishment”,

 

“Logic would say that anyone who wished to obliterate cruelty from the character of another must himself show no cruelty ; one who would teach regard for the rights of others must himself be regardful. Yet the story of exile and prison is the story of the lash, the iron, the chain and every torture that the fiendish ingenuity of the non-criminal class can devise by way of teaching criminals to be good ! To teach men to be good, they are kept in airless cells, made to sleep on narrow planks, to look at the sky through iron grates, to eat food that revolts their palates, and destroys their stomachs,— battered and broken down in body and soul ; and this is what they call reforming men!

Do you think people come out of a place like that better ? with more respect for society ? with more regard for the rights of their fellow men ? I don’t. I think they come out of there with their hearts full of bitterness, much harder than when they went in.”

I simply don’t understand what’s so crazy to seek an abolition of such an environment. Does Scott mean to suggest it’s crazy to not punish wrong-doing? Has he considered what little good punishment has done? Has he considered that many people seem to learn by example rather than just by some pie-in-the-sky notion of “retribution based justice” (what a farce that is knowing revenge full well as we should!) that people think reforms men. It does not reform them, prisons do not reform people and punishments in general tends to be a destabilizing factor in the progress of man than an enabler of further stable social-relations. What have punishments from the state done for us? What have those “oh so wise” judges and legislatures done for our understanding of justice? What have they done with the beggers, those who sleep on the street cold at night, those who must sell their body to make end’s meat, what have they done with the drug-users who need the friendly hand of solidarity and need not the cruel bars of prisons and state-authority? They have put them away! Locked them up with the rest of the people, no discrimination, no need for learning lessons, putting many to death (usually wrongly if the act isn’t wrong in of itself). How is it crazy to want to undo this sort of slavery?

Indeed, the relations that happened in prison are nothing if not slavery. The prisoners virtually have no rights except those granted to them. They make no money for any work they do and any money they do make goes inside the prison to further the relations but only inside those cruel walls! There is no possibility for free and equal people who live in a common brotherhood to exist inside those prison walls.

Now let me be clear, I am no pacifist. I fully support the right of other people to defend themselves if they wish against aggressive force. I support the use of non-violent social-pressures such as shaming, blacklisting, ostracism, boycotting and more. These are all forms of “punishment” if you care to call it such but they are of a different sort entirely. They do not have the cold meanness of the prisons, those cold walls and cold floors, those “guards” of the prisons who we know from things like the Stanford Prison Experiment can very much as easily become tyrants in such scenarios.

But perhaps the morality of the situation does nothing to convince you Scott. What then of the costs? Emma Goldman in her essay “Prisons: A Social Crime and Failure back in the early 20th century said:

“We are spending at the present $3,500,000 per day, $1,000,095,000 per year, to maintain prison institutions, and that in a democratic country,–a sum almost as large as the combined output of wheat, valued at $750,000,000, and the output of coal, valued at $350,000,000. Professor Bushnell of Washington, D.C., estimates the cost of prisons at $6,000,000,000 annually, and Dr. G. Frank Lydston, an eminent American writer on crime, gives $5,000,000,000 annually as a reasonable figure. Such unheard-of expenditure for the purpose of maintaining vast armies of human beings caged up like wild beasts!”

Since then the US has only expanded and so have the prisons. The US has one of the largest prison populations (if not the largest) on the entire planet. But has this made the US a safer place? Has it made prisons less costly? How about the burden on the taxpayer? The fair treatment of prisoners? what has building more prisoners done besides increase the collective misery of all those who are involved? The notable exception being those private businesses and local and state governments (and governments in general) that seem to make profit off of the lives of people treated so maliciously. But one should not expect any less of so-called “state justice”!

Kropotkin reconfirms my former point at the start about how prisons do not reform prisoners in his essay “Prisons and their Moral Influence on Prisoners” he says at the outset that,

“Once a man has been in prison, he will return. It is inevitable, and statistics prove it. The annual reports of the administration of criminal justice in France show that one-half of all those tried by juries and two-fifths of all those who yearly get into the police courts for minor offences received their education in prisons. Nearly half of all those tried for murder and three-fourths of those tried for burglary are repeaters. As for the central prisons, more than one-third of the prisoners released from these supposedly correctional institutions are reimprisoned in the course of twelve months after their liberation.

Another significant angle is that the offence for which a man returns to prison is always more serious than his first. If, before, it was petty thieving, he returns now for some daring burglary; if he was imprisoned for the first time for some act of violence, often he will return as a murderer. All writers on criminology are in accord with this observation. Former offenders have become a great problem in Europe…”

Can it be any clearer than this? To be sure Kropotkin was talking about a different country a few hundred years ago but is there any good reason to think things have stayed the same let along gotten any better? I have not seen the evidence from all of these people who oppose prisons and have clearly done their research. I am, of course, open to the possibility that maybe these people are showing only one side of the story and perhaps prisons do rehabilitate people but that doesn’t seem likely to me either way. Again, how could such a brutal and unloving institution create loving and kind people? Perhaps some of them will not only overcome this environment and turn away from the brutality of the system and become better but how likely is that? I doubt you’d find them in the few, let alone in the many.

I’m sure there’s more to say about this topic but I’ve said enough for now. I’ll leave it with Scott to decide for himself who’s the one who is actually crazy here.

 

Anarchism’s Practicality

 

Scott says,

 

“It’s unclear how much anarchism can achieve or how it can reach anarchy EVER. Statism has clear but imperfect methods.It does not.How can you work to achieve something without even the faintest idea how?? The difference is statists have legislation as well as voluntary organization etc. How can the entire capitalist and statist order be overturned.Looks unlikely to ever happen.”

 

This is probably one of the biggest points of contention between Scott and I and it’ll be the last one I bring up in this conversation.

 

“”It’s unclear how much anarchism can achieve or how it can reach anarchy EVER. Statism has clear but imperfect methods.It does not.How can you work to achieve something without even the faintest idea how??”

 

Scott seems to think that just having clear and well-established methods of achieving something makes it inherently better. I think this is ludicrous. Let’s take an easy example: Do you think someone who was in the Nazi party and had more control at the time in Germany had more concrete ways “forward” then someone who was rebelling against it and wanted different means employed? Does the fact that the Nazi party have more clearly defined methods to achieve their ends inherently make their means good or their ends desirable? I don’t see it as being necessarily the case that just because A has more definable goals and methods than B then B is the party that necessarily has the worst of the two’s methods or ends. That doesn’t follow at all in these two examples or in Scott’s sentence.

 

So what if statism has clear methods? What does that matter? If the clear methods are clearly immoral and the vague methods are at least more clearly a little bit moral which are you going to side with? Are you just going to pick the state-based methods just because you’re more clear on what they are? I’ve actually encountered a libertarian who believed this. He told me that he preferred politics over agorism because at least he knew what he was aiming for. And even though I explained to him the means and ends he just waved his hand aside and kept pressing that tired old idea that you’re saying here as well.

 

But of course this assumes that Scott is even right from the get-go. Unfortunately for Scott he isn’t. And he must’ve not been paying much attention as an anarchist to think as much. Anarchists like to focus on action and theory. Sometimes one wins out more than the other (usually theory since that’s at least [for now[ safer than the action we might want to take) but that doesn’t mean the other side isn’t actually there to begin with. And at any rate anarchists do have clear methods and ideas of how to get to here from there. Now you can criticize those various idea sand deny those are practical but to deny they exist full out is just intellectually dishonest.

 

Here are just a few examples:

 

Four articles by myself on means anarchists should support (which includes quite a few articles, videos and so on that I think give valuable insights towards strategy: Agorism, Direct Action, Dual/Counter Power Strategy, Education (External and Self)

 

In fact, I don’t see a need to go beyond that. Just linking even one of them with all of those materials that are involved makes your point obviously incorrect. Anarchists do have means and each one of us has our own program of how to get from here to there. Obviously that doesn’t mean there is a  true anarchist program out there or one that everyone agrees to of course but the same is with any political philosophy really. Maybe anarchists take that basic commonality that tons of people have in movements or something but I can’t see how that’s a bad thing necessarily let alone makes us not have any clearness in our means or goals.

 

I’ve focused on this one point enough however and would like to move on.

 

“The difference is statists have legislation as well as voluntary organization etc. How can the entire capitalist and statist order be overturned.Looks unlikely to ever happen.”

 

While it was nice of Scott to do the differentiation between state-based law creating institutions for me but I think I could’ve done it fine by myself. ;) Either way while it does look unlikely that capitalism and the state can be overthrown or abolished in our lifetime I’m confident it’ll either get there or the system will collapse before we get close. I’m obviously not cool with that happening which is why I think it’s a gradual process of building alternative and counter social-relations, institutions and general associations in opposition to and to counter-balance state oppression with voluntary liberation.

 

And that’s all I have to say about that.

 

My Vision

 

While I don’t want to focus on this blog post itself too much longer I do want to stress that I have a particular end goal in mine myself.

 

I favor anarchism. To me this means a never-ending history of progress, change and adaptation by people through voluntary cooperation, mutual-beneficial relations and in a culture of solidarity that has people helping each other through the many pains and losses of life. I support such diverse means of achieving these ends through the radicalization of unions and works, the use of the common people to overthrow the people on top with a libertarian consciousness in mind, through an agorist-cadre, through countless (mostly) non-violent, education and practice based efforts. I have said previously:

 

“Well every anarchist has their own way of thinking about this and of course there’s no “THE anarchist way” so what I say here is certainly more likely to be indicative of my *own* preferences than everyone else’s. In that light, if I can’t give you good enough answers then I’d encourage you to not think that no one could. Not that I think you would, but I just think that’s worth mentioning.

Anyways, the beginnings of just about *any* movement (in my eyes at least) is education. So the start of any sort of big culture/paradigm/power/etc. etc. shift that you’d want to happen would probably first have to be understood. By how many people? Definitely not the majority of people in a country. In fact, I’d suggest you probably only need multiple groups of associations that all have core dedicated members that understand what the means and ends are. With that in place you’re sure to attract more and more people as that goes on.

Now what *would* the anarchist educate someone on first in one of these associations? Perhaps helping them *question* authority or power structures in general or even specifically the government. Critical thinking is pretty key to anarchist thought (as you might imagine) so encouraging that sort of behavior in society may be one of the first things these associations would do.

These associations could take form through cooperative schools, free schooling, unschooling, homeschooling and even some upper schooling or just places for people to get together and listen to speeches, read pamphlets, zines and books and talk together (like a cafe or something). And of course other forms could take place for education.

These associations could *also* (once they’re educated on the means and ends more) could engage in things such as direct action, counter-economic activity, dual power strategy (if they get far enough) and more. If they’re educated enough on the means and ends, can get around the flaws of the system and have some of the surrounding communities on their side (which will obviously require community involvement and help via things like Food Not Bombs as a prerequisite, etc.) then it’s possible they could grow more and more *without* much government intervention. And any intervention would be met with public backlash.

As the associations get bigger and bigger and the core groups keep reaching out and providing services (especially to the poor, minorities, the oppressed in general) that the government either can’t as cheaply, won’t and so on people will stop obeying the state and start obeying their own moral consciences as well as the principles of general voluntary cooperation and so on.Not *everyone* would do this of course but I think you’d have quite a number of people doing this and it’d make it *very* hard for a government to be re-established since it wouldn’t be needed let alone desired among most people.

And then we’re home (for the anarchist anyways…) and away from the state. As time goes along the associations of the revolution can re-appropriate government property and it can return to the commons. People will segregate among their own likes, dislike, tastes and so on and won’t be coerced or forced to join in some “identity” that they don’t want or never asked for. Will it be perfect? Will it be utopia? No. It won’t. I can’t stress that enough, it *won’t* be perfect. I don’t think *anything* can be perfect. I just think it’ll result in a system of social-relations that are *much* preferable to the current society.”

And I still stand by these statements. I think change will come from the bottom up, one way or another this is how it must be and how it will have to happen. In the end the masses must throw off the yoke of oppression should we as libertarians want any chance in hell of achieving a truly freed society. My hope is that it does not take insurrection or violence or anything remotely like a police force or prison system to achieve these ends. However when I call for the overthrow of systems I seriously mean it and I certainly think there must be violence at some capacity. But do I prefer it? Do I want it? Will I participate in it? The answer in the first two is no (as of now) and the answer to the third is most likely not (as of now). I don’t think violence of the military or state or xenophobes we oppose so much or punishment in the way of prisons or the police man is what the anarchist should employ as a means of getting to what we want.

Nevertheless it is most probable that some will employ violence even if somehow a libertarian consciousness was instilled in people. This consciousness or the beginnings of it doesn’t have to be in the masses, at least not at first. It could be among core groups of dedicated people that in turn have dedicated people to the movement that keep building on one another. In the end I am conflicted about the possibilities for revolution. One one hand I’ve been talking about the masses and needing them at some level but I also think we may not in the end. Perhaps it’ll just be those core groups building a solid enough base among communities to get the job done. I’ll leave it at saying that there are multiple possibilities I find tenable.

The main part is instilling our values in other people or dedicated groups and going from there with further action and theory. For myself those main 3 values are:

Liberty for the individual. This means the individual is free to associate with those who also wish to associate with them. They can live as they wish insofar as their existence or actions that come from their existence negates the ability for others to act as they please (unless they’re trying to harm others or build institutions that would do the same, etc.). Liberty for the individuals also necessarily translates into the liberty of associations, collectives and cooperatives. Though some libertarians may not want to see it this way because the liberty of the individual is essential to these groupings existing to begin with it is only fair to defend these things as well.

Equality of political authority. Following in the footsteps of people like Jefferson, Locke and the call for equality by Roderick Long in his “Equality: The Unknown Ideal” I support an equality among people in their decisions over themselves. This manifests into my support of such things such as direct democracy, community organizing, direct action and consensus based decision making. Equality of political authority (and really authority in general) reaffirms a basic anarchist concern of power relations. We do not wish power between people to be completely out of balance so that other people (like bosses, or husbands or the state and so on) can just dominate the weaker.

In the interest of protecting the weak or weaker however a culture of solidarity should be built. This means that people support each other through the many pains and struggles of life. These things will occur all through life and won’t just magically go away just because we have anarchism. Anarchism, like life, is a constant experience and one filled with many errors and mistakes that teach us to be better. We should have a culture that promotes a feeling of brotherhood among those who wish to embrace it. Certainly some will want to live by themselves or their own communities and want to just be self-sufficient in that context and that’s fine. But I’d like to also see networked communities for things like defense, mutual-aid and other greatly needed services.

I think this greatly increases the backbone of any anarchist society. I think the first value (liberty) is the beginning of that backbone and the next two things are the two necessary layers that make it that much more tough to be broken. My values thus are Liberty, Equality and Solidarity.

I hope some day that these values shall be spread throughout the world and people will embrace them in their own unique and individual ways. Voltairine de Cleyre spoke of two spirits:

“There are two spirits abroad in the world, – the spirit of Caution, the spirit of Dare, the spirit of Quiescence, the spirit of Unrest; the spirit of Immobility, the spirit of Change; the spirit of Hold-fast-to-that-which-you-have, the spirit of Let-go-and-fly-to-that-which-you-have-not; the spirit of the slow and steady builder, careful of its labors, loath to part with any of its achievements, wishful to keep, and unable to discriminate between what is worth keeping and what is better cast aside, and the spirit of the inspirational destroyer, fertile in creative fancies, volatile, careless in its luxuriance of effort, inclined to cast away the good together with the bad.”

I am hoping, as an anarchist, for the spirit of Dare to win out in the end.

The Constant Conflict (Starting Again)

by on February 17th, 2012

It’s been a while hasn’t it? It seems like whenever I get on a roll with my writings I just can’t keep going, it drains something out of me. It’s taken me over a month to get in the right mindset to finally sit myself back down and re-dedicate myself to several projects. The list is pretty staggering I’ve gotta tell you. I’ll get to what I want to do with this blog in a bit but first I want to talk about why this keeps happening.

I’m not going to bend the truth here: I’m lazy. Not extraordinarily lazy but just lazy enough that it puts a damper on me trying to do continuous project after project without taking extended periods of a break in between. Perhaps that’s just normal for a lot of people and I’m being too hard on myself but I don’t know. I’m more comfortable with saying that I feel like I need to do more and do it more often as well. I don’t know whether this is a cop-out but I tend to notice some of my closely related family members tend to be pretty lazy (at times) about what they want and don’t really try to put their foot forward. I certainly don’t want to be like that and I certainly don’t want to keep getting rusty at writing or whatever. So I’m back and I intend to stick around this time and always try to find something to post at least a few times a weeek. Whether that’s a blog post, some random thoughts, a recent Youtube video, an idea I had, some news on a release, a reposting of a post from another place and so on. I want this place (as I did before) to be a virtual archive of a lot of my work. Not all of it mind you and I don’t aim to have all of it since it’s so scattered about but that’s something I want to aim towards anyways.

But what is this constant conflict that gets me? Well it’s my general states of my mind. I don’t know and then I do know. Should I care about what other people think or should I not? Should I write today? Is there a point to writing this all out? If I don’t get a lot of hits or discussion does that mean I’m successful? Maybe it’d be better if I got more hits or maybe it wouldn’t. Maybe I should stop writing and perhaps I should just write everything that’s on my mind. What else is there to say? There’s so many things for me to say!

All of this is constantly going around. I’m doing work, scheduling myself and my day out and what I want to do, not doing so, doing a little, doing most of it and then back to nothing at all. I don’t know if this is all human or if this is what should be happening but it’s goddamn confusing! I wish I could get my head on straight sometimes but maybe it’s on there, just a bit crooked…

Other times I just don’t know what to write or what should be written, if I’m good enough, if people will care, if I care and so on. The more I get this out the more things seem a lot more concrete to me which is certainly a good thing because that means I can visualize the solution a lot more. But it’s also a double edged sword because a concrete problem requires a concrete solution and it means I really have to wrestle with the problem now that I see it. If I don’t give it my all I might as well have given nothing at all. I’ve got to be firm with it.

I’ve been slacking on bass as well. I don’t think I’ve played in a few weeks (at least not for hours at a time like I usually did…) and that’s probably because it’s mostly the same old music, the same playing by myself and same environment. I don’t have a job and haven’t had one in about a month or so and that’s not helping my self-confidence in my abilities nor are the prospects for my future really. College is too expensive but I want to push for my own way and be a writer or an artist of some sort at the heart of things. But I don’t know how that could happen with my skills…so there’s some more conflict for you.

I’ve found out a pretty decent solution to this big problem however: take one day at a time. I just need to get my license, get the car my grandmother promises she’ll give me once I get it and find living space with someone in NH and try to live there until I can live with my girlfriend. Taking things on step at a time though helps me get through the day. I can space out my longer term things by working on shorter projects and thus boosting my morale with my own abilities and continuing to. That way, even if I don’t get a job or go back to college I can at least look at myself in the mirror and smile at myself and who I am.

But enough of that. All of that being said what do I have planned for this blog? Well besides being a personal venting space (as you just say) I’ve decided to remove any self-imposed restrictions (just about anyways…) and post almost anything here. That means the Blog Roll Call is coming back, the Monday blog is coming back, posting videos and essays as well as things by other people that I particularly like (such as Voltairine de Cleyre and posting them here to tell you guys a bit more about me.

Speaking of VDC I’ll be speaking about her at AltExpo X next week and I encourage you (if you can make it) to please come! Also on VDC I intend to transcribe the majority (if not all) of her essays on the Haymarket Affair (which can be found on the internet but only in a few corners and they’re not too helpful…). I shall then publish them here and perhaps read them on my Youtube channel for further circulation as well as re-posting those things elsewhere. I shall post the transcript for my presentation on her here as well ans do it on my Youtube channel and then follow that up with independent essays on her, her work and her work or herself in relation to others.

I also want to post some essays on the basic ideas of libertarianism and some concrete ways to argue for and against them. That’ll include things such as property rights, the NAP, arguments for and against the state and so on. So we’ll see how that’ll go.

That’s about it for now, if you read this blog at all then thank you. And if you don’t then that’s fine too. I think I’ve learned by now that I do these things to improve myself first and foremost and while it’s nice to help others too it’s not a requirement to happiness.

Here’s to starting again!

Reflections and Responses #1: Common Sense, by Thomas Paine (Concluding Thoughts)

by on January 11th, 2012

The TRUE Rodney Dangerfield

Well it’s been a long winding and I’ll definitely say an interesting road but we now reach the end of Paine’s Common Sense…so what’s the final word? Well it’s mixed to say the least. For one thing if you’re looking for Paine’s thoughts himself then this might not be the best place to go. This is before he got more into deism and science and before he really laid out his ideas of what is just and just in Rights of Man. Instead what you get here (and most likely The American Crisis as well) is a lot of the same. It’s a lot of pandering to nationalistic ideas about what America could be an ought to be and the fact that people must relegate themselves to these roles as citizens and people above them as government (as burdensome as it can be at times) must persist. I, as an anarchist still cannot agree with this.

However I’ve learned the vale of historical context while reading this book and while that’s not necessarily everyone will get it’s something I did. One from either the anarchist side of things and certainly the less radical sections of politics must to some extent I’d say appreciate Paine’s work here. Sure, some of it is past it’s time, clearly written for the time and for some (such as myself) not radical enough. But even after all of that is said it doesn’t change the fact that for the historical age in which Paine wrote this it was considered treasonous by the British crown and even somewhat dangerous in more “liberal” places like America or French. Paine was saying something outright and with a sort of blunt honesty that simply needs to be more prevalent today more than ever.

Besides for history buffs or people researching the basics of why the American Revolutionary War happened I don’t actually think there’s much to be gained from reading Common Sense. The principles in chapter one and two are laid out (and heavily revised for chapter 2) in further writings while three and four show their age. I can’t say that there’s much to be learned either from reading it that couldn’t be better and more in depth learned from some of Paine’s other writings and the “arguments” for why America will win or wouldn’t I’d think would only be interesting to historical scholars and not necessarily to even the most voracious of casual readers. Even then however it’s not that the book was boring and it certainly had it’s interesting moments and ideas as well as (for me) some heavily contentious ones in chapter one and two which I’m sure would even be more so (at least for the first chapter).

Paine’s writing and style for the most part is pretty clear and concise and easily understood. For a man who wrote almost 300 years ago the writing has come off incredibly well and so even if you do want to read this it wouldn’t be hard. And of course at only a little over 50 pages or so it’s not like it’d take you much time to read the thing out either. So in essence even if you do still want to read this book it’s not like it’d use up a whole lot of your time. You could probably finish this well before a day is over if you wanted to. That said, even with the style, brevity and some good substance (and especially for the time period) that doesn’t save Common Sense from ultimately having half of it more thoroughly worked out elsewhere and the other half showing how much this pamphlet is a product of its time.

Now that’s not necessarily a deal breaker (neither is) but if you’re coming for either Paine’s politics or religious views then it’s not much of a use due to the fact that his religious views went under much change and his politics isn’t the central theme here. For myself I was just generally interested in reading it and seeing what I could find and learn and even in that sense the book wasn’t a great success. Again, I could only see it being a great success for historical scholars or people who want to know what led people to start valuing revolution over subordination to the crown. In that sense Paine’s arguments were (for the most part) pretty top notch. Most arguments (even the ones I may have a few problems with) are rather good and I get a feel almost instantly why people would buy them. The fact that he wrote in the common language had almost no use of huge words or difficult concepts and mostly avoided any sort of “lingo” that may make it unreadable helps. As does Paine’s style in general, he very much wrote in line with the audience in mind for this pamphlet and it shows throughout it. This is not only the trait of a smart writer but a smart man as well.

Overall I’m happy I read this. It taught me bits and pieces about history, I learned to take other people’s ideas with the context in mind more than I used to and also develop more of a concrete appreciation for Paine. Though honestly I think that appreciation for people like say, Voltairine de Cleyre were mostly due to his religious views than his political ones i some ways but you could also say those same political views can sometimes lead to anarchism as well. And I suppose that’s one of the best things you can get from Paine when you read him. Whether it be his politics or his religious views it seems like they can be great openings to even more radical ways forward in a world that is increasingly becoming less and less son.

Thanks to anyone who gave this series even a bit of their time and I’ll pretty much be away from the computer for the majority of the next week so expect a return blog not next Monday but the one following!

Reflections and Responses #1: Common Sense, by Thomas Paine (Chapter 4 and Appendix)

by on January 4th, 2012

I meant to post this much earlier but I’ve been…er…hard at work…playing Skyward Sword…but I’m taking a break from it for a few days to catch up on actual work I’ve been meaning to get to and this is first on my list! With that said let’s wrap up the last chapter and concluding remarks (the Appendix I mean) from Common Sense. My concluding thoughts on Common Sense are likely to be posted either sometime this week (to make up for the delay in posts) or early next week so stay posted!

Chapter 4: Of the Present Ability of America: With some Miscellaneous Remarks

Preemptive Remarks

Full disclosure here: This isn’t a very exciting chapter to really read. What I mean by that (and perhaps this is one of the main things lacking about reading this book now) is that it’s painfully obvious that it was meant for its time and not especially for any other. What I mean by this is that Paine basically lays out throughout the chapter why American can win if they revolt but debating or discussing his points in any depth seem like a waste of time to me. It’s obvious either way that whatever advantages the US had it was enough in the end to win and to defeat the British. Furthermore the Appendix isn’t much better. It’s just lot of repeated remarks from the book itself with some name calling and dismissal of the idea of kings and princes (which again Paine has already done).

Now I understand for that time these were ideas that Paine needed to reinforce constantly but that just proves my point, it was made for that time. For Americans this whole debate is a point of historical mootness (I made that word up probably but you know what I mean). This is because the whole topic of having kings or not is a ridiculous debate in the modern context. This doesn’t mean (nor am I suggesting) that these appeals to basic reason (ya know…Common Sense) aren’t a good reminder or that they’d serve no purpose in modern discourse but I think almost anyone would agree with me that it’s certainly not as useful as it used to be which again just makes my point.

Overall the whole idea of saying why American can actually win is a great idea on Paine’s part (even if it’s an obvious one for a conclusion) and none of this is to say he did it poorly. I read over the chapter twice and never saw any big problems or holes with it which just gives me even less of a good reason to really squabble over this or that or really analyze it. Now of course I could still make some sort of analysis about it anyways about what I liked and disliked the most and least and in between and so on and then explain why but I feel as if most of his points were fine enough and don’t really need elaboration on it. And besides all of that while I may love history (which is one big reason I’m even reading this to begin with) I’m not a big history nerd either who’d know whether how much of what Paine said was right or not but as I’ve pointed out already, it doesn’t matter since the US won. If you’re trying to make some larger point about Paine’s style of argumentation or some of his basic assumptions then I could see it working but I for one have no problems with a lot of those things, thus I have little if any quarrel with much of this chapter and the Appendix thus giving me much less to talk about.

However I would like to conclude these preemptive remarks by saying that I do have two things I’d like to comment on and I shall present them to you. I do so because they struck me or stood out in some way.

2. Debt as a “glorious memento”

One of these things is probably the weirdest things I think Paine has said in Common Sense,

“Debts we have none: and whatever we may contract on this [war for independence] will serve as a glorious memento of our virtue. … The debt we may contract doth not deserve our regard, if the work be but accomplished. A national debt is a national bond; and when it bears no interest, is in no case a grievance.” (pp. 44-45)

This quote stuck out to me for obvious reasons but to explicitly say them I’m just confused how owing people things in large debt shows some sort of great memory. Is that because it was for the sake of liberty that it is a “glorious memento”? But even then debt shouldn’t be heralded as something to strive towards and if there was a way for the costs to be dispersed, decentralized or more evenly distributed, etc. then I think Paine would probably take it and not assert such odd notions of what debt should mean. Why is it odd? Well it just seems odd that Paine would be so hyper-nationalistic here, to the point of saying debt is a goodstudent loan debt in particular here and the scam that college largely is).

It’s interesting Paine says that a national debt is a sort of bond because that’s exactly what debts are on such a scale: bondage. They’re more specifically economic bondage usually propagated by the privileged and use it to specifically reel in the oppressed to try and convince them their less so and actually have great opportunities and without them where would they be? But of course this is just what Harry Browne talked about when he said,

“Government is good at one thing: It knows how to break your legs, hand you a crutch, and say, “See, if it weren’t for the government, you wouldn’t be able to walk.”‘

Of course I doubt Browne understood that this is how government operates at all levels (including minarchistic ones) and it’s precisely because it must. But then I suppose Paine wouldn’t either.

3. Concluding Thoughts on Chapter 4 and Appendix

The two other major sections of this chapter aren’t worth talking about at any great length. They mainly concern the idea of the US having a navy and ideas that Paine has already talked about that i’ve contested (his ideals for government. Unfortunately the Appendix is more or less that same thing: Paine repeating his case for American independence with no real new arguments or things of substance at all. He just rehashes the same framework to chalk out different arguments. So there’s not much of note going on here.

As for the rest, there’s not much to say about it. I didn’t get much out of it and anything I did was (again) just rehashed from before. So there’s not much left to really talk about I’ll cut this short and just let you guys know that I’ve enjoyed this series thus far and the last part to this (I guess what turned out to be) five part kick off will be finished sometime soon hopefully! See you then!

Reflections and Responses #1: Common Sense, by Thomas Paine (Chapter 3)

by on December 21st, 2011

Hey guys! Sorry about the late update but things have been a bit busy with me and I’ve been doing some procrastination here there as well so that didn’t help. Anyways with only one chapter left the first Reflections and Responses is drawing to close. Let’s see what Paine has to offer up in this chapter.

Best fitting picture I could think of...

Chapter 3: Thoughts on the Present State of the American Affairs

A few brief notes beforehand. Although this is the longest chapter first (coming in at 22 pages while the last was 11 and the one before it was even shorter at eight) there’s actually not a whole lot to talk about. Now why that is may become clearer as we go on but I just want to make it known before I start that in all likelihood that this will be one of the shorter pieces on this book (at least in comparison to the last two).

With that out of the way let’s begin.

1. Analyzing Paine’s Arguments Against Britain

So a lot of this chapter is about Thomas Paine basically saying that independence is good and relying on Britain is bad. I’ll quote some of my more favored quotes from this part of the chapter (and it makes up the bulk of it) but I’ll try to keep it down to 3-5. I shall also do a commentary of what I like so much about each quote as we go along. Let’s begin then with this quote:

“Alas! we have been long led away by ancient prejudices, and made large sacrifices to superstition. We have boasted the protection of Great Britain, without considered, that her motive was interest not attachment; and that she did not proect us from our enemies on our account, but from her enemies on her own account, from those who have no quarrel with us on any other account, and who will always be our enemies on the same account. (pp. 23-24)

So besides the obvious fact that Paine loves saying the word “account” what else is noticeable about this quote? Well the the first thing that sticks out for is the obvious truth in this quote. It’s at once plainly obvious from what Britain put America through (most notably the French-Indian Wars) that Britain never protected America because it cared about the colonists there (after all the whole reason why they’re there to begin with is due to a religious rebellion of groups of Europeans) but because Britain’s own interests would be more benefited in the long run. And enemies of Britain now become the enemies of the colonies even if they don’t do anything themselves to Britain’s enemies. This, in the end, will cause more conflicts then needed and there’s a running theme of Britain’s “connextion” (as Paine writes it) and is probably one of his stronger arguments.

The next good quote Paine has in favor of separation actually goes back to that point,

“But the injuries and disadvantages which we sustain by that connexion, are without number; and our duty to mankind at large, as well to ourselves, instructs us to renounce the alliance; because, any submission to out dependence on Great Britain, tends directly to involve this continent in European wars and quarrels; and sets us at variance with nations, who would otherwise seek our friendship, and against whom, we have neither anger nor complaint.” (pp. 26-27)

There’s a bit more to this quote but the point is made well enough I feel even just by this point. This goes back to the same point I made on extrapolating Paine’s earlier point. The link with Britain is proving to be a volatile and unstable one that doesn’t seem to benefit the colonies so much as it benefits Britain through taxation and extortion (or do I repeat myself?) through wars that the colonies have little to do with (besides them maybe taking place near where they live) and then forced to pay for the debt Britain accrues. Britain is not a great protector, ally and all-around it tends to take advantage of the colonies and exploiting the wealth they can produce themselves and harvesting it for their own good.

So yeah, Paine’s points here are pretty spot on and well…kind of common sense. This is really where Paine shines and if you think about it’s kind of where he has to. The whole point of this pamphlet was to emphasize the common sense nature of a departure from Britain and declare the independence of the colonies. Even just looking over these first few pages you get the sense that Paine is unequivocally an independent and supports nothing less. And it usually comes out pretty well…however…one thing is worth pointing out that baffled me. While Paine is talking about the “natural pleads of separation” and mentions the “blood of the slain, the weeping voice of nature cries, ’tis time to part.” he says this:

“Even the distance at which the Almighty hath placed England and America, is a strong and natural proof, that the authority of the one over the other, was never the design of heaven.” (p. 27)

…Where do I start? Where do I even begin to say how ridiculous this sounds? Now upon further reflection (and discussion with a co-worker about this specific passage) it seems clear to me that this statement is a product of its time especially. Even smart men like Paine fell victim to the idea that things like these should not be questioned and should be left to be explained by “the heavens” or “God”. And that was probably pretty common back then. Still as a deist and the guy who wrote Age of Reason it somewhat takes me aback that Paine himself would say something like this. I obviously understand why he said it but I guess the logical part of me just wants to slap Paine in the face and say something like this…

“How do the geographical spacing of the world necessarily denote just and non-just political authority of one country over another? How does that follow? What evidence do you have to back this speculation? Why would you say this? Are you just trying to appeal to the more theist inclined people here? Is that what you were doing earlier too in the last chapter?”

But yeah… *sighs* Let’s move on!

One of the other sort of best points Paine makes is what will happens if the colonies do not declare independence from Britain:

“I mean not to exhibit the horror for the purpose of provoking revenge, but to awaken us from fatal and unmanly slumber, that we may pursue determinately some fixed objects. It is not in the power of Britain or of Europe to conquer America, if she does not conquer herself by delay and timidity. The present winter is worth an age if rightly employed, but if lost or neglected, the whole continent will partake of the misfortune; and there is no punishment which that man will not deserve, be he who, or what, or where he will that may be the means of sacrificing a season so precious and useful.” (p. 30)

The whole: we either resist or die, is not only a powerful statement but given the quotes already presented (And other evidence throughout this chapter) it’s safe to say that a lot of what Paine is saying is in all likelihood not that big of an exaggeration if any at all.

In the end these two types of arguments boil down to a few things for Paine:

1. The present conditions are unbearable to any good friend of liberty
2. If present conditions are not halted or fought against then these conditions may become worse

And in both cases Paine provides the events of the past, massacres, laws and so on that have harmed the colonies while doing great benefit for Britain. Really it is precisely common sense that America should’ve separated and a wonderful thing that it did. Even as an anarchist I of course laud the move for separation but my problem with Paine as usual is that he doesn’t go far enough.

With that said I want to move from analyzing some of Paine’s better arguments in my opinion (which isn’t to say the rest of the arguments are terrible or something of that sort) into turning some of his other arguments into a case against government in general.

2. Re-Radicalizing some of Paine’s Arguments

Originally I thought about titling this something along the lines of: “Using Paine’s Argument Against Monarchical Governments Against the Notion of Government Itself” or something like that. As you can see however, that’s a bit of a mouthful and my real goal in this section I think is better seen through this new choice. I chose this title instead because in essence re-radicalizing Paine’s arguments is all I’m really doing and all that really needs to be emphasized. The basic point I’ve been making (and will continue to make) is that a lot of Paine’s problems with monarchical governments don’t go away once they become republics. You’ll see what I mean as we go along but basically I’m trying to turn his arguments against monarchy into an argument against republics as well. This would leave anyone who accepts Paine’s ideas in an awkward position. They must either defend tyranny of the same sort under a different name, contest that it’s not tyranny when republics do it, or try to say these aren’t “really” republics to begin with. Either way it puts them on the defensive and raises a lot of questions so it’s an endeavor worth pursuing in my opinion.

With that all said let’s get started. I want to make it clear that I’ll be using both arguments against monarchy to arguments against America not having Britain’s government controlling them because both fit the bill well enough for my case to be made. This is another reason to pick the more general title of “re-radicalizing Paine’s arguments” then specifically mentioning the arguments against monarchy and using those ones.

The arguments I’ve already quoted in relation to Britain making wars that involve the colonies actually work against the current regime in America itself. After all, what are some of the main reasons for the current US government to go to war? To protect the borders? That doesn’t seem to be going well last I checked. To protect our freedoms? Well what about the PATRIOT Act? SOPA? The Indefinite Detention Bill? The legal right for Obama to assassinate people abroad or domestic if they’re even “suspected” of terrorism? Where are our freedoms? IF the US military is out there defending our freedoms and who we’re really losing our freedoms from the government that allegedly has our best interest at heart…why aren’t they here? The point I’m trying to make is that the US government does not defend its citizens for our benefits (and if he get benefits that just keeps us better in line) but for their benefit. I know I’ve talked about this before but war is the health of the state and it bears repeating that not only is it the health of the state but a racket as well. Thus if war is a racket and the health of the state then the conclusion that one should draw (I think) is that the state is a racket producing organization. Why would you apologize for such an organization? If you take Paine’s arguments (and the classical liberal one in general) to heart about government being smaller then you obviously disagree with the current affairs. But if the state is a racket inducing machine in general then what good does a minarchistic styled government get you? I think the more radical argument (radical in that it strikes deeper at the root) is to being against the state in totality regardless of its form. It’s the substance after all that matters more than the form. And the substance of government is not one that tends to benefit the many but rather the few at the expense of the many.

It’s not as if your sense of identity needs to be kept in the nation-state or you need it to associate with others. Paine himself talks about on page 25 that people associate based on common interests in neighborhoods and towns. And of course anarchists are not against either scale because they most likely think that values such as liberty, equality and solidarity can flourish in such places. But in the case of a country where a national government is instilled and we are faced with a nation-state competition and cooperation (which are not so apart as some people may suggest, merely two sides of the same coin) are both limited and must be based around the existence of the nation-state instead of the individual’s freedoms. The republic that Paine himself desired (which I shall examine a little later on) didn’t seem to actually get into wars for the colonies interest (though due to the more decentralized state of affairs it was obviously more closely linked) but rather benefited the people on top who were largely white, old (for their time), rich, land and slave owning men. The idea of independence allowed for a new ruling class to develop in the US and as I’ve already argued the American Revolution in general was just a sort of radical conservatism (in the sense of mostly conserving/preserving the old ways and structures) and not even a radical classical liberalism. So Paine’s ideas were impractical precisely because a government is de facto against his notions of fairness, “true equality”, liberty and more.

Moving on to page 28 Paine mentions the way that the government of Britain was a help towards, “running the next generation into debt…” which makes me wonder how he’d not only feel about the current government’s way of putting future generations into huge amounts of debt but the way that his idea of a “republic” did too. Throughout the American Revolution and long after it there was a huge debt that the Continental Congress had racked up from the wars and a lot the money to keep it going. Of course the Congress consistently couldn’t get money and so instead of just dissolving itself and letting the state’s do their own business they insisted on more power over commerce for themselves. Of course I’m sure that all of the officials were just perfect angels who had no other intentions or considerations about it.

A few more pieces I’d like to say is that on page 33 where Paine mentions that, “No man was a warmer wisher for a reconciliation than myself, before the fatal nineteenth of April, 1775, but the moment the event of that day was made known, I rejected the hardened, sullen-tempered Pharaoh of England for ever…”
But what happened once the republic was established? Well as soon as things like the Whiskey Rebellion happened Washington sent in troops to shut them down even though the people in the rebellion were rebelling for the same reason Washington had been before: namely unfair taxation. Instead of listening to the farmer’s pleas about the unfairness of what was happening with the debt, taxes and the taking away of their property they were using and occupying. Washington denied hearing their dissatisfaction until it boiled to the point of violence after which Washington promptly pushed them back with violence from his own army. Is this the sort of justice that a republic-styled government does?

The last point I want to make is that Paine says that the connection to Britain being severed means a great opportunity towards peace, stability and a lack of civil wars. But of course what happened over the course of the “republic’s” history? Peace was constantly interrupted, stability was never long-lasting and there were not only several major rebellions at the beginning but eventually the US itself would be engaged in a civil war. So again, Paine’s ideas for a republic (which were largely adopted as we’ll see soon) didn’t seem to play out well. You could blame the people, but can you really blame the individuals when similar incentive structures keep repeating similar results over and over? It’s time to start attacking the system and the concepts that keep it afloat instead of trying to just say it’s “bad apples” in an overall good system.

One of the main points I’m trying to make here is that Paine’s “radical” statements for his time should’ve been taken farther and were not lived out under the republic-styled government that eventually came to be. And seeing what that republic has largely turned into (pretty much what Britain was) it seems as if his eyes weren’t quite radical enough and just didn’t strike the root. The issues of race, class, landless peoples, economic inequality, cultural strife, the issue of the Natives, the lack of women’s rights and voice in political systems and more are never even mentioned by Paine or if they are they’re swept aside as unimportant (as with economic inequality). So it seems the classical liberalism of Thomas Paine isn’t radical enough. Perhaps what’s better is an ideology that takes for granted some of Paine’s ideas but goes farther. For instance anarchism. I hope at least some of my main points have come across here. I recognize some are probably not as good as others but I’m not looking to make some sort of “perfect” or heavily detailed and well researched arguments in favor of myself (after all the classical liberal would still have to debate my first post) I’m just looking to make the point known that Paine’s ideas were either not implemented correctly or (what I think is more likely) could never be due to the de facto nature of goverment.

Finally, let’s see what political system Paine has to offer.

3. Analyzing Paine’s Political System

Paine first says that,

“…I offer the following hints; at the same time modestly affirming, that I have no other opinion of them myself, than that they may be the means of giving rise to something better. Could the straggling thoughts of individuals be collected, they would frequently form materials for wise and able men to improve into useful matter.” (p. 37)

So this is obviously a good caveat to put before he begins. Obviously all ideas can be improved on and Paine admits that the only opinion he has of these ideas (except implicitly that he probably likes them since he’s suggesting them) is that they can be improved upon and probably will be by wiser and more able men than he. With that in mind let’s see his plan laid out:

“Let the assemblies be annual, with a president only. The representation more equal. Their business wholly domestic, an subject to the authority of a continental congress.” (p. 37)

“Let each colony be divided into six, eight, or ten, convenient districts, each district to send a proper number of delegates to congress, so that each colony send at least thirty. The whole number in congress will be at least three hundred and ninety.” (pp. 37-38)

Each congress to sit … and to choose a president by the following method. When the delegates are met, let a colony be taken from the whole thirteen colonies by lot, after which, let the congress choose (by ballot) a president from out of the delegates of that province. In the next congress, let a colony be taken by lot from twelve only, omitting that colony from which the president was taken in the former congress, and so proceeding on till the whole thirteenth shall have had their proper rotation. And in order that nothing may pass into a law but what is satisfactorily just, not less than three-fifths of the congress to be called a majority.” (p. 38)

But the kicker in all of this is this line,

“He that will promote discord, under a government so equall formed as this, would have joined Lucifer in his revolt.” (p. 38)

Now say what you will about the form of this government, the concepts underlying these ideas which supposedly justify them is what now particularly concerns me. For here Paine reveals something pretty dark about this whole arrangement. He thinks that anyone who promotes discord is right up there with the devil. But what is meant by discord? Opposing this system in general? Opposing some parts of it? What if it turns out that this system is not so equally formed? Also, Paine does not actually elaborate on what part of it makes this whole arrangement of making laws equal. So why is it equal to begin with? It’s just arbitrary numbers of people dictating things to another group of people based on so called representatives. What is so equal about this exactly? Paine goes back to his routine of not actually explaining why what he’s talking about is what he says it is. Perhaps Paine thinks this arrangement stands on its own of being just and fair but for the like of me I can’t see it.

When I read this I don’t necessarily feel like it’s a bad form of rule but that’s probably because the arrangement is ironically pretty vague. I mean I know this isn’t the main point of Common Sense and Paine said it himself that these ideas can be updates and re-organized (though wouldn’t that promote discord?) but if you look at what I’ve quoted it’s not exactly clear why these people have the right to monopolize the provision of law. Ok, perhaps this is a good formation of law but why should it be the only one? Even if I grant Paine that this system of governance is a good one why does that mean it must be the only one? Why can there not be competing legal services or something of that nature? Paine also just seems to beg the question of where their authority comes from, which I suppose one could say, “It’s obviously the people!” but why? If “the people” (which is just a collection of individuals) have no right to impose laws on other people how can they give this non-existent right to other people?

But whether these questions can be answered or not is irrelevant. As I’ve said I’d rather address the underlying concepts of why Paine thinks such an association of people is just. So let’s skip over the talk of a Continental Congress and how it’d be formed (pp. 38-39) and onto some of the more conceptual ideas and problems Paine has (p. 40).

The first concept is the “rule of law” being king instead of a person being the king. Paine writes,

“But where, say some, is the king of America? I’ll tell you, friend, he reigns above, and doth not make havoc of mankind like the royal brute of Britain. Yet that we may not appear to be defective even in earthly honors, let a day be solemnly set apart for proclaiming the charter, let it be brought forth placing on the divine law, the word of God; let a crown be placed thereon which the world may know, that so far as we approve of monarchy, that in America the law is king. For as in absolute governments the king is law, so in free countries the law ought to be king; and there ought to be no other. But lest any ill use should afterwards arise, let the crown at the conclusion of the ceremony be demolished, and scattered among the people who right it is.” (p. 40)

This is an old sentiment that really doesn’t amount to much. In fact (and I’ve linked this before but this point also bears repeating in my opinion) the “rule of law” is a myth. That is to say, it doesn’t exist. Who makes the laws? Who makes the rules? People do. People authorize other people to make them on their own behalf (and again where they get this right to force their beliefs on others when they can’t do it by themselves is still in question) and thus it’s still a rule of people. Saying it’s a “rule of law” is just using dodge-like terminology to try to make your case for government seem like the moral agency of it is somehow doesn’t share the flaws of a rule by people. But in the end the person calling for a republic like Paine must admit that the “rule of law” just means a rule of a small group of people dictating what is and what is not the law over a much larger group. How anyone gets the right or privilege to do all of this is still a mystery to me and one I don’t think the classical-republican can answer, that goes for Paine as well.

The second conceptual underpinning this whole idea is “natural rights” which I’ve dealt a bit with before but I’ll address it a little bit more here. Here’s what Paine says,

“A government of our own is our natural right: and when a man seriously reflects on the precariousness of human affairs, he will become convinced, that it is infinitely wiser and safer, to form a constitution of our own in a cool deliberate manner, while we have it in time and chance. If we omit it now, some Massanello may hereafter arise, who laying hold of popular disquietudes, may collect together the desperate and is contended, and by assuming to themselves their powers of government, finally sweep away the libertarians of the continent like a deluge.” (Ibid)

There’s a lot wrong here and a lot more that’s just flat-out question begging. Again I recognize that Paine’s main point in Common Sense isn’t to stress what the new form of government is right or wrong but that the state of affairs is wrong and should be done away with through revolution. On the main point he’s obviously right. Paine really is giving common sense to the colonists and it’s a good thing to give them of course. But a lot of the concepts he rests his ideas on and especially his ideas of what the future should look like are I believe mistaken. So I more take issue with a lot of the side things in this book then the actual main part that is probably seen (correctly I think) as common sense. But the side issues (though they’re obviously not the main point) are important nonetheless. If Paine is going to tell the colonists what’s wrong with the present then he should probably try to take a chapter to flesh out what a sort of future based on similar common sense should be.

Instead Paine just attaches what he thinks this future will be as little sections of already existing chapters that don’t specifically have to do with these issues. Thus the concepts are highly underdeveloped and Paine often tries to have his ideas speak for themselves (which hasn’t been working for me thus far) instead of actually taking some time to explain them. This doesn’t mean he needs to start getting too intellectual for the colonists, after all, if he can talk about all of this in such a clear and concise manner (which is another big plus of this book, the writing) then why can’t he do so for the future? Obviously he seems to do this too much in this case. He downplays the importance of explaining some things that are actually pretty easily contestable (like the idea of “natural rights” itself which even by then I’m fairly sure was heavily debated from the utilitarians and others) to things that aren’t as much (like whether the colonies should declare independence from Britain or not). But what makes Paine’s cases in those cases of independence so clear and concise is precisely because he does eventually elaborate on the reasons and that a lot of these are just basic observations and not deep philosophical inquiries into the nature of the colonies and Britain. With all of that being said I do have a lot of problems with this passage.

First what is a natural right? Where does it come from? For Paine it’s God right? Well then the debate turns towards a theological one about how God can instill certain properties in all man that are universally inherent in them but constantly contradicted as human history marches forth. Does this not put a sort of damper on the people like Paine who think natural rights are so inherent to living a good life? Clearly people have found other ways of living while constantly denying these natural rights. But then this whole concept begs the question of how people would recognize a property that God put in them. How would they know God did it? Could it just be a similarity based on culture, inventive structures, rules, upbringing and so forth? I understand why (for the time he’s in) why God is the de facto answer but now and then there’s clearly many questions that can be asked about these natural rights. Establishing natural rights is primarily about justice I would think so perhaps the conversation could be switched towards a discussion of justice…but then Paine would probably start talking about God again, so we end up in the same problem.

Second, the rest of it is just completely question begging. Why would people just let someone arise from associations of voluntary cooperation and start terrorizing other people? Because there’s no government? What does a government do to de facto stop such action? Government is just an association of people monopolizing certain services that would be better provided in different institutions (such as the market place) and different ethical theories and ideas of justice, etc. then what is currently advocated. I also don’t think people just randomly stop caring about their safety and security without government. If anything, they’d care about it more and work harder towards creating the best social arrangement that doesn’t monopolize the service of defense/security. But of course creating a government will eventually de facto stop such creative individual and collective efforts. And then to add to all of that that this group will somehow consume the entire continent moves from a fairly big question-begging to a huge one. How would they get all the money through that way? Tributes? If you say that I can only think that you can’t grasp the concept that this gang of thieves and murderers is no different than a government when it starts out and continues to expand as it goes along.

Basically Paine says here that without government stability and security would be lost and thus a non-governmental society would be one that is chaotic. But of course he gives no credit to the ideas of individuals having the will of their own that is not tied to the government nor need it be.

Conclusion

So we finally get to the “common sense” part of Common Sense. How does it hold up? Well overall I’d say it works rather well in favor of Paine and my natural inclination of course based on history and what I now know (and what we all do of course) was that Paine was right. But as an anarchist I can’t exactly agree with his prescriptions for a future society based on the failure of an idea of government which de facto monopolizes services that should be free to give out to people. Not only that but it perpetuates things that Paine himself never seems to recognize as social problems such as economic inequality, racial and gender based institutional oppression, stratified classes and so on. Ignoring these key ideas (though understanding considering the time Paine was living in obviously) leaves Paine obviously open to complaints from myself and other people like me who share my concerns that government creates artificial and unnecessary divides in society that lead to more strife and consequently less security and safety for the citizens.

Overall however this was probably one of the more enjoyable chapters to read and I can’t say I’m not happy I’m reading this book. It’s been an informative look at a lot of the original classical-liberal arguments in favor of government as well as some history and so on. And I am a big fan of history so on both of those fronts I’m quite pleased that I chose to read this book. The content this provides on both fronts isn’t spectacular though and if you’re looking for a good dose of either you’re probably better with actual books that deal with these topics. That only makes sense though, seeing how Paine was trying to just get some common sense into the colonists and not only does have convincing arguments but it’s not hard to see why now either. And that’s something worth commending.

Responses and Reflections #1: Common Sense, by Thomas Paine (Chapter 2)

by on December 9th, 2011

Though I tried not to have this post center around disagreements as much as the last one did and more on general observations and remarks there are of course still going to be disagreements in these posts. I’m also trying to see if I can make it easier to determine different sections of these blog posts for easier reading and so I’ll be experimenting with different models until I find the best one. One last note: These posts will be weekly so this series should end before January and then perhaps some concluding thoughts on “Common Sense” before the next week when I start a new book. But that’s just some ideas, nothing is concrete yet!

Chapter 2: Monarchy and Hereditary Succession

Part I: Monarchy

1. True Equality?

So to start off Paine starts talking about the “equality through creation” that man has. Now of course, I (again) object to this idea of man being created instead of creating themselves (existentialism of course being a philosophy I ascribe to I especially reject this, though I know those are two different ideas of “creating”). But not only that but I’d think that if the equality of man if (for the sake of argument) is universal and natural and can outweigh arguments for certain types of authority why not governments in general? I submit this is likely because this sort of equality (the other lbierty is an unknown ideal both then and unfortunately now. I think that should change personally which is one reason why I am a left-libertarian. Nonetheless the basic point is that if Paine was consistent he would’ve been an anarchist and taken this equality of man under nature much further.

2. Can Riches be made Through Non-Oppressive Means?

Paine says the following,

“…the equality could only be destroyed by some subsequent circumstance; the distinctions of rich and poor, may in a great measure be accounted for, and that without having recourse to the harsh ill sounding names of avarice and oppression. Oppression is often the consequence, but seldom or never means of riches; and though avarice will preserve a man from being necessitously poor, it generally makes him to timorous to be wealthy.” (p. 9)

But how true is this? Well, when we look at the time Paine was living in it was certainly more true than now I think. Back when Paine was living if you were going to make your riches off of oppression it’d probably be pretty obvious (kingship, slavery, the use of class divides to justify demeaning relations between nobles and peasants and the feudal lords and peasants, etc. and Paine opposed these things…though I wouldn’t say they were “seldom” done…) but in today’s day it’s not so obviously so. For example the very oft cited example of corporations using the state to get monopolized profits by anarchists is a pretty good example of profits gotten through oppressive (governmental) means in less obvious ways.

But how can you get a lot of money through non-oppressive means? Well Paine gets it right here when he says it seldom or never happens. The relations between the peasants and the upper class was historically built on demeaning statuses and economic divides that was built on privileges granted by the king just like the corporations are granted privileges through the state. Otherwise how does one get to such a level of corporate status? On a side note it also seems to me to be highly unlikely that corporations would exist without government privileges, protection, regulations that hurt the little guy more than the big ones and so on. So in present day society and the days in which Paine lived in oppression does seem to come from the most rich having that power but it also seems to have been one of their biggest aids in getting there as well in the case of some of the biggest corporations who use government privilege. So I think Paine is partly right and partly wrong here.

To be fair though I think it’d be pretty hard to get a lot of wealth off of oppressive relations without a government (though it’s obviously still possible and should be protested against through social and economic pressures). I tend to think as a left-libertarian that people with lots of wealth (lots of wealth like Bill Gates, etc.) are certainly de facto worthy of skepticism of how they got so much money. Can you really tell me they got all of that money through their own hard work? Did they use others? Did they use the state? How did they get so much wealth? Shouldn’t competition have made it so they got less than that due the splitting of profits and the costs of increasing productions and development in order to outdo the competition? So while it’s possible in a truly freed society to get a lot of riches without oppression I certainly think a skepticism of people’s means should be more into play than Paine is applying here.

3. Kings and Subjects vs. Rulers and Ruled

Paine instead posits that the key difference is between kings and subjects and this artificial division between man has been a horrible mistake. However, as with the issue of Paine’s idea of equality I think he could have taken this much farther. How is the whole notion of there being rulers and ruled people a natural notion? It certainly doesn’t seem like a natural notion since most of human recorded history has been in relatively anarchic and egalitarian relations and not authoritarian ones. In fact it’s only when these authoritarian ones are artificially imposed from within or (what tends to happen) from outside is when major artificial class divisions starts happening. On these differences Paine says,

“Male and female are the distinctions of nature, good and bad, the distictions of heaven; but how a race of men came into the world so exalted above the rest, and distinguished like some new species, is worth inquiring into, and whether the are the means of happiness or of misery to mankind.” (p.9)

Well it’s debatable how a lot of the distinctions between men and women are actually natural or mostly based on social constructs, the environment, incentive structures and the evolution of man and women as their own genders. This would of course go into a study of gender roles which I’m not too prepared to do and don’t intend to do as of right now but I think it’s worth noting that questions certainly can be raised on how “natural” these divisions actually are.

And of course he could raise these same questions about his idea of “natural legislators”…but he won’t of course.

4. Citing Scripture

A general observation (and one that’s obvious from the get go and even before this chapter but especially in this one) is that Paine constantly cites the bible, makes biblical references, talks about God, heaven, creation, etc. Yet later in his life Paine would be described as an “atheist” and “heretic” for writing “The Age of Reason”. So I just thought it was interesting to note how clear it is that in one of his most famous work that he is clearly a theist (or deist) of some sort.

5. Without Monarchy there’d be no Wars?

Right off the bat Paine makes an odd assertion,

“In the early ages of the world, according to the scripture chronology, there were no kings; the consequences of which was there were no wars; it is the pride of kings which throws mankind into confusion.” (p. 9)

I’m unsure why exactly Paine is only using the history of the world from the scripture to say this. Weren’t there any historians he could’ve sent letters to? I know technology and knowledge in general was very limited compared to what we have now by an infinite amount but still I find it puzzling. Why would Paine just assert it based on this? And even if we were to take the scripture as true why would this necessarily be the case? Why would people not have wars without kings? I’m fairly certain tribes thorughout history had their skirmishes and battles and perhaps even wars. I’m not an anthropologist so I may as well not even have as good of a response to Paine as Paine had an assertion. But it does seem odd at the very least that Paine seems to treat kings as the only sort of reason for why people would kill or go into wars to begin with in any case. As history tells us, long after Paine is dead, this isn’t the case.

6. Noting Paine’s use of the word “Heathens”

Throughout the first few pages Paine makes reference to the first people who had kings as “heathens”. Now of course if he’s using this to mean uncivilized then that’s just an ad hominem or at best a rude description. But if he means something else it’s not entirely clear what it is. What’s even stranger is that the word heathen is capitalized at first but then returned to a lowercase word. It’s possible (and even pretty likely to me upon further review) he’s referring to some other religion or something I’m just not aware of. He mentions in this chapter that the people who did accept kings were forsaking God and are “impious” so I think he means more of “godless” people then uncivilized people. Then again, for some theists (and even deists perhaps) “godless” people are in some way inferior to people who believe in Gods so either way it could be that Paine means these people are brutes or just plain old inferior.

7. The Authority of Scripture vs. Nature of Man

One thing that bugs me about this whole “nature” argument Paine makes is that if monarchy is the “unnatural” way to go why did it flourish? Paine would say because the pride of kings “confuses people” (as I’ve already pointed out) but why would the pride of kings (it’s more their power than their pride in my opinion anyways) confuse the natural state of man? If it’s so natural why didn’t it hold out? These flaws are probably some of the reasons why I don’t tend to make my case for anarchism on any sort of “natural” case. Sure, I’ll say that on the whole I think people with the right system of incentive’s, environment, culture, up-bringing and so on will tend to support anarchism but that’s not something “natural”. In fact that’s something that people are trying to create in society, if anything it’s another artificial construction based on structures of thought and action that we as anarchists think will yield the most benefits for the most amount of people. But either way if people want to make their case for anarchism based on “nature” they can I guess (as I said most of recorded history is built on societies and communities that largely incorporated anarchic ideas) but it’s generally not something I do and Paine tends to prove why.

Now the authority of the scripture is really no better for me since I’m an atheist. So what argument should Paine have made instead? I think he would have been better off making consequentialist arguments as well as actually solid deontological ones (which I think do exist, they just tend to be very few in number by my experience if their not flexible and progressive). Paine instead rested on the nonsense of “naturalism” and gods.

8. “Render Unto Caesar”

I suppose in order to make sure that he’s not misinterpreted into saying that the scriptures don’t support any authority at all (which is debatable from what I know) Paine says,

Render unto Cesar the thing that which are Cesar’s is the scripture doctrine of the courts yet it is no support of monarchical governments…” (p. 10)

But even the courts or government in general being justified under this could be questions through scripture. Take for example the question of whether Jesus (who said that phrase) was an anarchist or not. Some say he was and if so then perhaps “Give Nothing Unto Caesar” would be a better phrase.

Regardless though, I don’t find appealing to scripture or what Jesus is this day of the week or anything like that z worthwhile argument to make. For people who can make them, care about them and think they’re compelling (like the natural arguments for anarchism) then cool. If it gets more people into anarchism then why not? But as an atheist I couldn’t care less either way. And for the record the only point of making note about this is just to further undermine Paine’s arguments for justifying governments of any sort.

9. What is a “National Delusion” and If God is so Loving then…

The idea of a “national delusion” is introduced when Paine says,

“Near three thousand years passed away from the Mosaic account of the creation, till the Jews, under a national delusion, requested a king.” (p. 10)

I’m curious exactly what a national delusion is and why it happened? Again, how could the natural state of man (equality) be disrupted by war if it’s…natural? I suppose natural doesn’t mean eternal but rather that it’s the state that man excels best at perhaps? Either way this would make a lot more sense but to have the best state of man overturned by a war, a charismatic general and 100 years before they try to have a king again doesn’t speak well of how well this so called “nature” holds up or how effective it actually is. Either way there’s no talk about how to prevent this only that God will forsake them and they deserved it and so on and so forth.

On the matter of God, God apparently thinks by asking for kings that they have forsaken his rule though…can I say God is being logically fallacious? Well anyways I guess that’s what I’m gonna have to do because why couldn’t the Jews have worshiped both the kings and God? What is so impossible about that? Obviously it’s not likely as to get worship as if God by itself but either way what does it matter? Why does God care if some forsake him and why should that forsake the entire Jewish race? God’s not only logically fallacious but a collectivist! Ok…but in all seriousness this is some pretty silly stuff and I can’t help but poke fun at the obvious (to me) ridiculousness of this whole scenario. The idea that God would care what people chose as a political system only reveals (in these scriptures) the lack of political choice God is affording people. Some free will! Either worship God and only God or burn!

Now make no mistake about it I am not defending kings or monarchy (of course) but I’m just trying to bring out the absolute silliness of this whole scenario and why it just seems so logically improbable. God literally says to Samuel (allegedly),

“Hearken unto the voice of the people in all that they say unto thee, for they have not rejected thee, but they have rejected, me, THAT I SHOULD NOT REIGN OVER THEM.” (p. 10)

So apparently God is logically fallacious, a collectivist, very possessive and likes using ALL CAPS (Billy Mays style!). God then mentions that the Jews have also worshiped other Gods besides him (again, who knew God was so possessive?) but never specifies who, why, when or for what. Furthermore God doesn’t specify whether all Jews did it or just some of them. So again, it appears as if the Jews are just being collectivized by what is probably only a majority or wealthy minority acting out. It all just seems so very unfair for a God that’s supposedly all loving, caring, etc. Apparently God made people fear him through thunder and rain (wiping out their crops)…so yeah, so much for caring huh? It’s also interesting to note that if kings ever backed up their demands through violence or government in general did or people did Paine would speak out against it but he does nothing of protest here. He just states the obvious that God doesn’t like monarchs or kings.

“Well besides that Mrs. Lincoln how was the play?”

Anyways that’s enough on god for now.

10. Paine…I get what you’re trying to do but…

So it’s obvious Paine is trying to make his case against monarchs not only based on nature (which has for me failed and even if it succeeded it should’ve been taken much farther) and based on scripture (which failed even worse). But unfortunately for Paine in my eyes neither of these assertions or the basis thereof make him look terribly good. The natural argument makes him look naive’ and the argument from scripture makes him look like strict theist who doesn’t mind if god is violent, tyrannical, backs its threats up with violence and so on but for that same reason protests the kings. So it not only makes Paine look like an authoritarian but a pretty selective one who doesn’t mind if god intervenes in personal affairs. So…I’m unsure that Paine was a deist at all let alone someone who was very much consistent on his belief of liberty.

Don’t get me wrong, again I’ll say a lot of what Paine says it at least attempted to be backed up and sounds a whole of a lot better than what most people seem to favor these days (especially those in congress, etc.) but unfortunately it’s naive to the core. And not only that but Paine’s theism makes him look like a religious authoritarian, someone who relies on a god who is entirely relying on fallacies to make judgements on an entire race on people. Sorry Paine but I’m not interested in your governments, arguments here or your god.

Part II: Hereditary Succession

The Origin of Kings seems Familiar…

Paine writes on the origins of kings that,

“…it is more than probable, that could we take off the dark covering of antiquity, and trace them to their first rise, we should find the first of them nothing better than the principal ruffian of some restless gang, whose savage manners, or pre-eminence in subtility obtained him the title of chief among plunderers; and who by increasing in power, and extending his depredations, overawe the quiet and defenceless to purchase their safety by frequent contributions.” (p. 15)

Wow, that sounds pretty much word for word what the anarchist historical account of how the state originated. Through the most powerful thieves! So again, it just seems like Paine’s critiques of power are just a few steps back from being the anarchist ones. It’s disappointing, frustrating and of course interesting to see this time and time again.

2. What about the Natives?

I’m unsure it was the wisest thing in the world to bring this up. Why? Well first let’s review what he says,

“A French bastard landing with an armed bandittie, and establishing himself king of England against the consent of the natives, is in plain terms a very paltry rascally original.” (p. 16)

So why isn’t this the wisest thing to do? Well it sort of begs the question of what Paine thinks about America to me and how it was founded. What about landing with steel, germs and a mindset for war against “heathens” and taking over the natives land through direct violence? Forget about overthrowing governments but slaughtering people, upsetting orders, traditions, and not bothering to learn their culture. Now I’m not saying the natives were angels and obviously the germs part were never intended to kill the natives. But either way that doesn’t justify the seizure of their lands that they were using and occupying. Nonetheless I’m curious about what Paine would think of it. I’m somewhat inclined to (unfortunately) think he’d either brush it off or just diminish the perils of “heathens” as he’s already done before as I’ve noted in part I.

3. You Won’t Disturb Them?

Paine has an odd statement that I was especially puzzled at,

“However, it is needless to spend much time in exposing the folly of hereditary right, if there are any so weak as to believe it, let them promsciously worship the ass and the lion, and welcome. I shall neither copy their humility, nor disturb their devotion.” (p. 16, emphasis mine)

How does this make any sense? Why wouldn’t you disturb them? The idea that there should coercion based authority at all is a dangerous one let alone the idea that we should have kings. So why wouldn’t you say something to these people? Would you just allow them to keep speaking as if they and everyone around them need these horrific controls that you tell us yourself eventually leads to a massive loss of lives? I’d hope not. But in fact you state right after you say that last line that,

“…I should be glad to ask how they suppose kings came at first.”

Well…isn’t this disturbing their devotion? Wouldn’t this impact their devotion or energy they put into the idea of needing kings? Why wouldn’t it? If you can prove kings can only and have only come through illegitimate violence then I don’t see how these two statements go together. Am I missing something here?

The thick libertarian in me especially objects to not wanting to “disturb” people for holding mistaken beliefs. I’m sorry, but I’m not going to let everyone stand around and believe the world is flat while we could be exploring the whole damn world. Human progress shall always be harmed, lessened and furthermore undermined as long as we allow misconceptions to not only exist but to go to other people and impact culture in huge ways. This in turn paves the way and fertilizes the ground for future oppression based on misconceptions. Obviously the idea that the world was flat violated no one’s rights and it certainly was not an aggression against anyone yet it still most likely did much damage to the progress of human knowledge insofar as this belief was widespread enough to do so. I have the same issues with bigotry and class superiority, religious superiority and other such ideas for similar reasons.

4. Government and Wars

Again, Paine seems to believe (pp. 18-19) that the amount of wars are a major cause for alarm for the monarchical government. But if that’s so then what does this say about the governments of today? Of the so called “democratic” governments? Democide in the 19th an 20th century is in the multi-millions and that’s probably much more than the kings ever did…though obviously that’s just speculation on my part but due to technological, population-wise and general increases in the world since then it seems like a plausible bare assertion to me to make.

5. Concluding Thoughts on Paine’s Critiques of Monarchy

Overall I think it’s much more efficient when Paine focuses on why monarchies don’t work when he focuses on things like the distance between monarchs and their subjects then on the “nature” or “scripture” arguments. The more mechanical arguments including the modification of KISS Principle, (again) the idea of monarchs not having enough knowledge to be useful, the wars they tend to cause, the way they tend to come about (through violence, maintained through violence, etc.) and the arguments against hereditary are pretty much no-brainers for the most part. So those all work rather well. Most of the arguments on hereditary are in fact more appeals from nature, etc. so that’s why I didn’t respond to them. Otherwise, like I said, I generally found it a no-brainer subject and answer.

Overall, does Paine make a good case? Well since monarchy is so utterly rejected by now in the culture and society of America and pretty much globally (except by maybe some nut-jobs here and there) then I can’t really say Paine needed to do a better job than he did. And even if he doesn’t live up to my standards clearly the Americans of the day largely thought otherwise so I suppose it doesn’t matter either way.

That’s all for now! Next week I’ll be discussing Chapter 3: Thoughts on the Present State of the American Affair!

Responses and Reflections #1: Common Sense, by Thomas Paine (Chapter 1)

by on December 1st, 2011

Wow so this took me longer to get to then I would’ve liked but what with work, constantly trying to stay on top of my YT feed and other things I haven’t had the drive or time to get around this until now. Hope you enjoy!

I’d also like to point out that I am reading the 1995 Fall River Press version of Common Sense if you’re looking to read along or just know what I’m citing pages the way I am, thanks!

Thomas Paine

Chapter 1: On the Origin and Design of Government in General, with Concise Remarks on the English Constitution.

Part I: Addressing: On the Origin and Design of Government in General

Right off the back let me say I have a hell of a lot of respect for what Thomas Paine did in his life and what he tried to do. Before I begin my address of some of Paine’s lackluster arguments towards government I don’t want anyone to think I dislike Paine or what he stood for. Back then being what he was (a pretty radical classical liberal) was a huge thing. You were completely in defiance of the prevailing power structures of the monarchy, of the church of a lot of the dominant cultural perceptions of what a just society should look like. Basically, it was Paine and other people who were practically against the world and how it currently looked. Doing what Paine did was not only just an act of heroism but one of a great defiance of the dominant power-relations that were held through violence, deceit, flat out lies, threats of violence and more. So for Paine to write Common Sense itself is worthy of praise for the time he wrote it in.

That being said I do have plenty of critiques right off the back of what Paine is trying to say in this chapter and although this chapter isn’t that long (it’s only 8 pages and only four of them are based on “the origins”) it’s got plenty of stuff for me as an anarchist to object to and at the very least throw into question if not outright try to get people to reject. However it should be of course remembered that I’m more specifically doing this to better my own knowledge and use thereof. If I can’t convince you Paine’s classical liberalism (radical at the time then but not so much anymore I’d posit) then that’s fine. After all Paine’s classical liberalism is a hell of a lot better than what we have now anyways.

To finally begin Paine starts off with something I actually agree with wholeheartedly:

“Some writers have so confounded society with government, as to leave little or no distinction between them; whereas they are not only different, but have different origins. Society is produced by our wants, and government by our wickenedess; the former promotes our happiness positively by uniting our affections, the latter negatively by restraining our vices. The one encourages intercourse, the other createst distinctions. The first is a patron, the last is a punisher.” (p. 1)

Well…ok, I guess it’s not completely fair I agree with all of this and how far he takes it to a degree but I certainly agree with his main premise: the fact that people have confounded society with government is a common argument made by government-supporters. In fact Murray Rothbard, a famous anarcho-capitalist attempted to refute such an argument here. Albert J. Nock’s idea of social power vs. state power is also discussed there which I think is also worth checking out even if it’s a bit lengthy. So there you have it, I don’t think many (if any at all) anarchists would disagree with Paine’s assertion there. From anarcho-communists to the capitalists I doubt there’d be any disagreement that many thinkers have seen government as society even though they are two different entities.

For example society as Rothbard points out is just the general interrelation of individuals in voluntarily associated groups. Now the anatomy of the state could be considered a bit different or perhaps more complex. Either way I typically refer to the weberian definition of the state as:

“…a human community that (successfully) claims the monopoly of the legitimate use of physical force within a given territory.”

Now there are reasons to disagree with this and perhaps the genealogy of the state would make us agree or disagree more with that definition especially in the modern day where trans-national state, multi-national corporations and talks of “New World Orders” go on. Nonetheless for the purposes of these responses and reflections I will be using the classic Weberian definition unless anyone can show me a better one.

I shall also be using the terms “government” and “state” interchangeably and to mean the same thing as the Weberian definition outlines. It is from these definitions and clarifications that I hope it has become clear why I think Pain’s premise is valid here and why I agree with it.

Now back to the quote itself, while I agree with the main premise that society and government are different I don’t necessarily agree with Paine goes with this valid premise. For example from there Paine suggests,

“Society is produced by our wants, and government by our wickenedess; the former promotes our happiness positively by uniting our affections, the latter negatively by restraining our vices. The one encourages intercourse, the other createst distinctions. The first is a patron, the last is a punisher.”

Now I think society and government are bother produced by people’s wants. It’s just, for the anarchist, those wants become distorted under government then with normal society-based actions. When you have a group of people coming together to make collective decisions about what is to be done on something this is obviously produced by commonly held wants. While government is typically a small group of people who also have their own wants. But these wants are produced by the desire for power, control and domination over others. Of course, this is more heavily pronounced in Paine’s time via monarchy and feudalism in some aspects still being around as well as of course the existence of the institution of slavery. Nonetheless I’d say government is produced by our wants in the sense of general human wants of control over our lives. But through the organization of government it becomes distorted through how the power relations are inherently going to come out. So Paine is somewhat right and somewhat wrong here.

The second part about affections and vices is also slightly true but ironically Paine commits the same fallacy he accuses many critics of making. He says government is created through our vices but many people and actions are created by our vices that have nothing to do with government. For instance during the BP spill we can see direct action is key to attaining things like rectifying the vices of others. So I certainly don’t think it’s out of the way of possibility at all for society to be able to create things that are non-governmental. If I didn’t believe anything like that I suppose I’d just be a classical liberal or something like Paine is. But I am an anarchist.

Finally, the “patron and punisher” is also incorrect for the reasons I just cited above so I won’t repeat myself further.

All of that right there eliminates my first 3 points I made out of 11 so let’s continue with whether government is a “necessary evil”. Paine writes,

“Society in every state is a blessing, but goverment, even in its best state is but a necessary evil; in its worst state an intolerable one; for when we suffer or are exposed to the same miseries by a government which we might expect in a country without a government, our calamity is heightened by reflecting that we furnish the means by which we suffer.” (p. 1)

Well this is the big one folks. This is probably the biggest part of this post. Why you may ask? Well basically this makes up the entire classical liberal theory of government in one nice quote.

Let’s break it down:

1. The view that government is an evil generally but a necessary one (check)

2. The idea that people can control the government but it can be apt go go astray (check)

3. The necessary “logical” (implicit here) subsequent idea that anarchism or other ideas like it go against human nature or the way of history. (check)

So this is pretty much the classical liberal’s whole theory of society and government. While governments can be bad, they are necessary top keep society together. Or else perhaps we may think that even the best of societies without governments would not match the society with the worst of governments. This isn’t to say Paine would make this argument (I’d even go so far as to give him the benefit of the doubt that he wouldn’t) but just that the classical liberal could conceivably (and from my experience has if memory serves) make this argument.

But how true are all of these things? Well I’d posit as an anarchist that almost none of this is true. Why almost? Well it’s certainly true that government is an evil but the real question is whether it’s necessary or not. You see, the classical liberal at least in Paine’s case has the intellectual honesty to admit that government is generally an evil but one that must be tolerated. We’ll get into Paine’s reasons of why that is as we continue to go through this section of chapter one. For now however I want to try to rebuke if not flat out convince you to reject Paine’s idea that government is a necessary evil.

First off, how is government an evil to begin with? Government is an evil (that is something that causes much more net harm than health) because of how it begins, how it maintains itself and how it ends. In essence the whole process of government is one of a great evil. To the more general question however, is evil ever tolerable? Why should it be? What evils can you think of that people say are just “necessary”? Sure, things like rape, murder, theft and so on happen in current day society (sadly) all the time but do people say it’s a necessary evil? Do they say that society would be far worse if these things did not exist at all? I don’t believe you’d hear women say if sexism was lessened or made less distinct in society that things would be worse or black people for racism would you? So what gives here for Paine and government? Where’s the disconnect?

For one thing perhaps my analogies are unfair. Obviously government is regarded as an evil by classical liberals like Paine and anarchists such as myself just like racism, sexism, bigotry, rape, theft, murder, etc. are regarded as evils probably by myself and perhaps to some extent Paine as well (Paine did actually speak in favor of women and their rights and against slavery which is briefly mentioned in the introduction of the version of Common Sense I have). Maybe it’s because these things are not as alike as I’d like them to be. After all, rape, theft, sexism, etc. these are all generally more individually based actions that are pretty direct while government is an organization, a community of people.

However, in the end I reject the notion that my analogies are unfair. For one thing, government is by and large questionable even on a basis of how it is special. And furthermore a lot of these things like racism, sexism and more are reinforced by the state/government. Don’t believe me? Check out things like Women vs. The Nation-State by Carol Moore or things like Sheldon Richman’s Libertarianism and Anti-Racism for more info on that.

For me the way the harms of society generally come about is created through unequal power relations between people and if these unequal power relations start being collectivized or institutionalized through things like government how does that make them more tolerable? In actuality it makes it less tolerable then the things that happen on an individual level. How government forms is on the basis of these unequal power relations, through exploitation, theft, violence, threat of violence, use of cultural authoritarianism against weaker individuals who are vulnerable and more. The sociologist Franz Oppenheimer in his great book “The State” spells out a lot of what I just said.

With all of that being said I can’t see how evils in general should be tolerated or done nothing about just because they’ve been institutionalized or monopolized by a certain group. If anything that means more must be done about that group and the individuals who would continue to try to do it even once that institution is gone. I’m sure Paine doesn’t mean to suggest that nothing should be done about evil in general but I don’t see how minimizing government and trying in vain to keep it small is going to somehow keep the evil away. But if government is itself an evil and we’ve determined that what keeps us from abolishing it?

Well that’s where we get into what Paine says next,

“For were the impulses of conscience clear, uniform and irresistibly obeyed, man would need no other lawgiver; but that not being the case, he finds it necessary to surrender up a part of his property to furnish means for the protection of the rest and thus he is induced to do by the same prudence whuch n every other case out of two evils to choose the least. Wherefore, security being the true design and end of government, it unanswerably follows that whatever form thereof appears most likely to ensure it to us, with the least expence and greatest benefit, is preferable to all others.” (pp.1-2)

Like all of the classical liberal defenses of why anarchism cannot work (or basically just a flat out non-government based society for Paine here) they deeply misunderstand many of the things going on.

For one thing, why does the conscience of every need to be clear for no government to exist? Are all consciences clear when government does exist? Clearly this was never the case historically, not even in the case of the original government set up by those so hallowed figures referred to collectively as the “founding fathers”. So what gives? Does government somehow make our conscience more clear? At least in this section Paine doesn’t give the reader a reason to think so nor does he offer reasons why it wouldn’t be so if government didn’t exist.

Second, why must they be “uniform and irresistibly obeyed”? What is the point of having a free society if one cannot freely associate and disassociate into different communities with different ideas of what will work best? So long as those ideas don’t in some way infringe on others then what’s the problem? And again, under government are things completely uniform and are they irresistibly obeyed? To be clear, I don’t think Paine would say that they are. Maybe he’d say it’s more likely for them to be but either way he doesn’t make that clear and even if he had, so what? It’s a moot point to talk about the requirements for one type of society to work if even your own ideal society would never meet those ends. It’s pointless to talk about because no one is going to reach that goal to begin with. Furthermore, social cooperation doesn’t need to be uniform or irresistibly obeyed for it to work. There just needs to be open dialogue and free association involved as well as other things as the main basic principles. In short, Paine’s standards are ludicrous for any society to try to live up to, even his own ideal minimally state-controlled society.

Third, as far as “giving up his property” I find it ironic for a few reasons. First it’s widely credited that Benjamin Franklin said that those who give up a little security for a little freedom desire neither. So if this is the basis for a “truly free society” in Paine’s mind I’m not impressed since it doesn’t seem like this society would deserve much if they’re just going to give up liberty for stability. Another ironic thing to me is that Paine should know better about man “giving up” his property to government. Via the history of the state through Oppenheimer, social power vs. state power of Nock and the anatomy of the state by Rothbard we can discern that there’s no historical, political or sociological proof that men has ever willingly given up his property for a government. In fact according to Oppenheimer’s book “The State” largely states began as roaming gangs who settled down and began to demand payments or tributes to protect less strong communities from other gangs. That doesn’t sound like “giving” to me.

Fourth and finally, how is security the final aim of government? I talked about earlier how government maintains itself and that’s largely through the artificial expansion of markets. The “Role of Monopoly Capitalism in the American Empire” as well theories on monopoly capital (both Austrian and Marxist) reveal the basic fact of the subsidy of history and finally the historical development of the iron fist behind the invisible hand. All of these studies into history, social actions vs. state actions, theories on how they play out and more reveal government to be nothing more than a purveyor and giver and creator of privilege and privileged classes that then go on to exploit the ruled.

So as far as I’m concerned I don’t really think government is much of a protector. If war is the health of the state, if taxation is theft or robbery or slavery and this is how the organization of governments/states maintain themselves then how can it be for security? What’s more likely is that government stands for a more specific security namely its own security and power and stolen plunder that largely makes up its wealth. If government is some sort of security it’s no security I want any part of and I would like people of Thomas Paine’s persuasion to realize that it’s not legitimate to impose it on others.

However what if the imposition is irrelevant? What if government is just inevitable? Pain also makes this argument here,

“After Pain describes a process of men starting to collaborate with one another into a group Thus, necessity, like a gravitating power, would soon form our newly arrived emigrants into society, the reciprocal blessings of which, would supersede, and render the obligations of law and government unnecessary while they remained perfectly just to reach other, but as nothing but heaven is impregnable to vice, it will unavoidably happen, that in proportion as they surmount the first difficulties of emigrations, which bound them together in a common cause, they will being to relax in their duty and attachment to each other and this remissness will point out the necessity of establishing some form of government to supply the defect of moral virtue.” (pp. 2-3)

So here Paine basically relies on the fallback of all government apologists from my point of view: “Well ok, fine. Government may not be the most morally virtuous thing in the world and it may not be that practical but it’s still inevitable. So either way your talk of so called “practicality” and morality doesn’t have much to do with the world.”

Now of course I don’t find this very convincing and one of the biggest reasons why is because the argument basically sweeps the ground off its own feet in the process of trying to establish itself (or however that metaphor works…). Basically you can’t try to appeal to the validity of government based on the so called historical “fact” that it inevitably develops. In saying that it’s not very moral or practical if at all you thereby give me very little reason to take your analysis seriously. How could you honestly believe that such an inefficient (both in the way it works and the theories that justify it, etc.) could possibly be an inevitable thing in our lives? Wouldn’t it either become apparent as time goes on that such is the case? Or does one just think humans are too stupid to realize it? I’m unsure of what the exact excuse for the existence of government here outside of “might makes history” and that’s not a very compelling case.

Either way I do feel like it’s worth addressing so to continue with a few more points to further discredit these ideas.

Now again it’s weird to see Paine try to claim that as soon as an injustice occurs we need government. He claims that because only heaven is impregnable to vice/folly/etc. humans will naturally make injustices to each other. Leaving aside the theological debate here (as I am an atheist) I don’t understand why people are somehow incapable of working out disputes among themselves. What prevents this from happening? Why can government (who is entirely made up of people itself) be able to do this but people by themselves can’t? I know it’s not because Paine believes some sort of Hobessian view of humanity (at least I’m pretty sure he doesn’t…) so I don’t understand where Paine is coming from there. Nor does he (once again) explain himself so all I have are assumptions strictly based on the introduction, what I’ve read so far of the book and what little I know of him. Obviously that’s not a good foundation to be making assumptions on…but then I shouldn’t be having to do that to begin with should I?

I just flat out don’t understand why Paine thinks people’s duty to one other will lessen and again he doesn’t offer any evidence why he thinks this is or why the “surmounting of troubles” necessarily produces this. So instead of guessing I guess I’ll just move on.

Next I want to consider Paine’s discussion of the development of a governmentally-controlled society. Paine starts off by saying that this group of people will find a tree to make the state-house and that the community at first will be able to deliberate on affairs and regulations governed by “public disteem” (p. 3). And at this parliament everyone will have a “natural right” to a seat (must…resist…debating…the bad terminology…) but then he continues to fortune tell…because honestly humans are good at that…by saying,

“But as the colony increases, the public concerns will increase likewise, and the distance at which the members may be separated, will render it too inconvenient for all of them to meet on every occasion as at first, when their number was small, their habitation near, and the public concern few and trifling. This will point out the convenience of their consenting to leave the legislative part to be managed by a select number chosen from the whole body, who are supposed to have the same concerns at stake which those who have appointed them, and who will act in the same manner as the whole body if they were present.” (p.3)

The first thing that comes to my mind is…why? Why is this necessarily true? Why wouldn’t the community further split off? Why would the people in office necessarily represent the other people’s views? People typically find it hard to truly represent their own views so how likely is it that other people will be able to do this for them? Why would you leave the legislative duties to a small group of people? Either way the myth of representative government and the benefits of direct/participatory democracy demonstrated at #Occupy Wall St. make me unconvinced (again) that Paine is correct here.

Finally Paine details how the representatives and common man (my words not his) will interact and their interests be better known. I of course, question how that works when, again, people often have trouble telling themselves or explaining to others what they want let alone handling themselves. This is no to say people are incapable of doing it themselves or what have you but just to point out the natural difficulties that this sort of government is going to just build on and not remove or hider in any way. He then points out that this mutual and natural support between the electors and elected. But of course having this support natural or mutual has never to my knowledge happened, so where is Paine’s basis for believing in it? He never provides one.

The last questions and topics I had was:

1. Why does justness need to be determined by the government?

2. What is Paine’s definition of government?

3. Paine’s ideas

4/ Concluding Remarks (on Part 1)

(1.) So first off, why does justness need to be determined by the government? This goes back to questioning how government is so special to begin with. Why does it have the so called “right” to do this when other people can’t? Determining a possible answer to this question means looking at the Weberian definition of the state and particularly the “monopoly on force” part. This allows for a government to establish the right to monopolize certain processes. It’s not necessarily that they do it the best or what have you but that it dominates the political space and starts to control what is justness and how it should be dictated. Obviously this isn’t how Paine envisions government but then how Paine envisions government isn’t historically accurate as I’ve already pointed out via the work of Rothbard, Oppenheimer, Nock, Carson and others. Even if I could admit that somehow Paine’s examples have anything to do with reality they certainly don’t at present. The current government almost constantly gets almost no support from anyone and independent groups usually just use the government for their own power-plays for control of society. Government is then once again better seen as a creator of privileged classes at the expense of less privileged people and thereby creating exploitation where there need not be any.

So once again I don’t see how such an organization should have any say over what is “just” or not.

(2.) Paine’s definition of government is rather vague. He seems to claim it is a third or final arbiter, a market of laws over man and seemingly nothing else. Paine’s talk of the origins and development of governments as he sees them doesn’t really detail anything in this first chapter. It seems to suggest people coming together and the group being siphoned off eventually for smaller groups controlling the larger through “regulations” enforced via social pressures and ills if broken, etc. but it’s all rather vague. At no point does Paine give us a solid definition of government even though he is giving a supposed true account of its history and development. Speaking for myself I don’t know what Paine was thinking with this move. It could be that he thought the definition was widely agreed on enough as it was (has it ever?) or perhaps throughout the chapter it’d become clearer what government was or if all else fails perhaps Paine forgot. No matter what the case is once again I am left assuming based on what I’ve read thus far and my knowledge of classical liberalism that Paine simply sees government as a final arbiter and guaranteer of justness in relations.

Now of course I’ve talked about how the second is faulty but what about the first part? Is it possible to have a “final” arbiter? Roderick Long argues (I think) persuasively in “Market Anarchism as a Constitutionalism” that it is not:

“Minarchists sometimes charge market anarchy with lacking “legal finality” or a “final arbiter.” Let’s consider what such “finality” means. This concept could be interpreted either Platonically or realistically.

Platonically, legal finality would mean an absolute guarantee that disputes are settled beyond any possibility whatsoever of being revived. Realistically, legal finality would mean that in practice disputes do fairly reliably get brought to an end. Platonic legal finality is of course impossible. Neither anarchy nor minarchy can provide it; nor can any other conceivable legal system. What person or institution is the final legal arbiter, for example, under the current U.S. system? Is it Congress? no, the supreme court can declare its laws unconstitutional. The supreme court? no, congress can initiate the process of amending the constitution to get around the Supreme Court. The only system that allows for a final arbiter would be a Hobbesian dictatorship, with all power vested in a single person (for even a small ruling council might have internal disputes, and who then would have the final say in resolving them?). but as La boétie (2003) and Hume pointed out centuries ago, no individual ruler (unless she hails from Krypton) possesses in her own right sufficient power to compel obedience from everybody else; hence any dictator’s power depends on the concurrence of those she rules. Thus a final arbiter in the sense after which the minarchist hankers is an illusion, a Platonic ideal – it cannot be realised on this earth.”

With that said, I don’t think Paine’s reasons for believing in government are just and neither is government. In the future when he makes reference to “legitimate forms of government” I shall either ignore it or only make note of it if I really find it worth talking about.

(3.) So what do I think of Paine’s ideas in general? Well I of course adore them a hell of a lot more than most people’s ideas. Paine’s ideas are a lot better than probably anyone’s in the senate, house or what have you by miles bar none, except maybe by Ron Paul (though either way that’s not saying much…). He certainly laid down some of the core tenants of classical liberalism and their ideas of government and society and no matter how pernicious these falsehoods are and how I wish to see them ultimately rejected I do understand where Paine is coming from largely. We all want to feel like we have our lives under control. Like there can be peace, stability, justice, etc. etc. and most people feel like we need a government to do that. I as an anarchist reject this notion because I think all you need is people in voluntarily formed and enforced associations of polycentric law and common law and competing law as well as cooperating law, etc. to have justice. I don’t think you need government as it stands now or how it’s ever stood to acquire anything that classical liberals aim for. But overall I’d say while I don’t agree with Paine and his justifications by and large I get where he’s coming from (I think anyways) and why he’s saying them and (again) respect them insofar as what he advocates is far superior to most systems…if it could actually work out the way he wanted it to.

(4.). Concluding Thoughts on Part I

So this has been a very long post and I’m not sure who would take the time to read this (and kudos if you did!) but I’d like to say that if I can keep putting out pieces something like this for reflections and responses I may be in good shape. That being said however, I do want to focus on most of the rest of the book less on my disagreements with Paine and more on my own observations, related thoughts, maybe some interesting links, etc. I’ll still have some parts where I’ll disagree with him but I think that’s what this part mostly stood as. This part was just the place to basically grieve most of my disagreements with Paine and then read and reflect on the rest of the book in a more non-nonchalant but still active manner that will hopefully entice the reader and improve my own ability to craft posts and ideas, etc. I hope you enjoyed this part and because part II is so short in comparison to this I suppose I can keep it in this post.

Part II: “…With Concise Remarks on the English Constitution”

First off Paine says something I’d like to take the time to sort of agree and bring up some related ideas to:

“I draw my ideas of the form of government from a principle in nature, which no art can overturn, viz, that the more simple any thing is, the less liable it is to be disordered; and the easier repaired when disordered…”

I do principle and the fact that it’s a pretty regular occurrence is, I think, pretty well supported. This reminds me of the KISS (Keep it Simple Stupid) principle which Paine is implementing in the context of politics and governance in general. Now if the problem of government being it’s own worst enemy in terms of simplicity wasn’t the case then maybe this’d work. Either way I do think this is a pretty good principle to go along with from time to time. Sometimes during my life I tend to really overthink things myself so I certainly wish I could apply it myself sometimes.

I think the best “concise remark” in this chapter is this,

“There is something exceedingly ridiculous in the composition of monarchy it first excludes a man from the means of information, yet empowers him to act in cases where the highest judgement is required. The state of a king shuts him from the world, yet the business of a king requires him to know it thoroughly; wherefore the different parts by unnaturally opposing and destroying each other, prove the whole character to be absurd and useless.”

This is spot on but I’d like to add a few things. First this sort of critique is a general knowledge problem with people like Mises and Hayek talked about via economics and central planners in authoritarianism socialism (though it can be applied to authoritarianism in capitalism as well). Second, this argument can also be applied to corporations and the role of the managers, CEOS, bosses, etc. But in any case this is a general good place and the fact that Paine brings up this quasi-knowledge problem is interesting seeing how Hayek and Mises bring it up many many years later in a more developed form.

Another interesting bit is,

“The prejudice Englishmen, in favor of their own government, by king lords and commons, arisews as much or more from national pride than reason.”

I say this is interesting because governments generally use things like forms of patriotism, nationalism, and other things of that sort to capture the people’s attention so they are more likely to listen to the government. If they don’t they’re liable to be called a “traitor”, perhaps a pejorative term towards a person of another sort of nationality, publicly derided without the law taking into effect and so on. This is especially used during war time where the state gathers up all of the propaganda it can and makes sure the people are put into a patriotic fervor so that any dissidents are either shrugged off, censored, deported or perhaps even killed. All of these things have been done by the US government through it’s history and you don’t have to go far to find it. Look up the “Palmer Raids”, the “war on drugs”, the “war on terror”, the cry of the threat of “national security”, the WWI and WWII propaganda and the list goes on and on. Paine’s mistake is to stop at kings, because it doesn’t stop there and it never has.

I was gonna make some comments on Paine’s thoughts on the checks and balances of the constitution but his one remark on the huge problem of the general composition of monarchy I think suffices. Besides that I doubt many people take monarchy seriously except maybe people like Hans-Herman Hoppe. ;)

Concluding Thoughts on Part II

Obviously there’s a lot less to say here since Paine is basically just digging into the idea of monarchy and revealing how obviously stupid it is. What is interesting to note however is a fact that his critiques of monarchical type power can be easily extended to other power relations. Such examples of big corporations have already been pointed out and of course you can keep going to representative government as well. And though I didn’t talk about it Paine’s critiques of the checks and balances that he doubts will keep the king in line may something also about any sort of government or higher up position as well. But since I haven’t attempted to do much there I suppose I’ll leave that claim at mere speculation and suggestion based on what I’ve already written.

Well that’s it for now! The next chapter will be:

Of Monarchy and Hereditary Succession

So expect some more of my own detailed thoughts on monarchy as well as some of Paine’s choice quotes from the chapter and some small mentions of theology here and there.

Until next time, thanks for reading!

Introducing: Responses and Reflections!

by on November 20th, 2011

I’ve had this idea for quite a while now and since my essay thing per every Monday, my blogs and basically everything has fallen away from me in time I suppose this is the least I can do. To digress within the first sentence (that takes takes folks!) for a second I suppose one of the biggest reasons I never kept up with these posts is that I started falling away from the idea that any of this had any use past personal development and it really wasn’t doing much for anyone else or helping anyone else. But I guess I’ve realized (if I could be a little egoist for a second here) that what really matters is my own development and intellectual growth and not necessarily how much others benefit from it. There’s always been a big conflict within me of how much I should care about other people’s opinions. On one hand I want to feel like I belong and want to feel like people respect me and my ideas and care about them but at the same time I don’t want to devolve into basically begging for readers and watering down what I think is a pretty radical notion. So it’s always been a constant conflict of me of what I should say to get the most people to actually give a damn about what I’m saying and just letting it go and doing my own things.

I suppose (to get back on topic finally) this is the latter movement within my mind. I’m not gonna do this feature to gain popularity or get people to care more about me but for my own personal development (especially intellectually) that I feel like I really need to do.

In the first (and hopefully not last) installment I’ll be doing Responses and Reflections to Common Sense which was originally a pamphlet written by Thomas Paine and helped instigate the war of independence for the US against the UK. So obviously this is a pretty important document and one that I think could use a left-wing market anarchist analysis of. The constant battle of radicalism I feel is one of perspective and I want to touch on this in perhaps (gasp!) an essay and probably as I go along in this edition of Responses and Reflections. I think that this will not only help develop my own beliefs and my responses to the radicals of classical liberal who had mistaken ideas of government but also general ideas and thoughts on history, political philosophy and much more.

I hope you guys enjoy it but more importantly I hope I can grown from this and start to become more consistent in my proclamations on this blog. I understand that’s one of the many reasons why a lot of things I do is never really that popular besides the fact that I’m so sporadic in my activity (like some sort of schizo/manic depressant or something…). So I hope this marks another new beginning in the blog and I start to take things a bit more seriously and a lot more of a chance for personal growth.

Cheers.

An Evening with scott crow 11/14/11 in Tulsa OK

by on November 17th, 2011

Black Flags and Windmills

I thought this was so important that I’d share it here as well.

Youtube Video for 10/24/11

by on October 25th, 2011